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THE NAEEATIVE
OF
GENERAL VENABLES
WITH AN APPENDIX OF PAPERS
RELATING TO THE EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES
AND THfe CONQUEST OF JAMAICA, 1654-1666
EDITED FOR THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
BT
C. H. FIRTH, M.A.
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
89 PATEBNOSTEB BOW, LONDON
NEW TOBE AND BOUBAT
1900
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PBEFAOE
The papers printed in this volume are a collection from various
sources. It was originally intended to insert them in the Appendix
to the third volume of the * Clarke Papers * in order to supplement
and illustrate several documents relating to the expedition to the
West Indies which that volume contains (pp. 54, 77, 86, 203),
But as these narratives proved more lengthy than at first calculated,
it was judged more convenient to print them separately.
First in order of importance and size is the narrative of General
Venables himself, consisting for the most part of an apology for his
conduct while in command of the expedition, and concluding with
an account of his examination and imprisonment after his return to
England. Of tHis narrative there are two manuscripts in the
British Museum, one among the collections of Edward Long, the
historian of Jamaica (Add. MS. 12429, ff. 7-72), the other
among those of Thomas Povey (Add. MS. 11410, ff. 56-143). Both
appear to be copies of the same original. Povey's copy is dated at
the end May 7, 1677, and is attested as a true copy by Will. God-
salve. Long's copy, which was made in the 1 8th century, is slightly
modernised. In addition to these there is an earlier, briefer and
imperfect version of the narrative in the possr ssion of Mr. Lee
Townshend of Gorstage Hall, Cheshire. This version was copied by
Dr. Gardiner early in 1899, and kindly placed at the disposal of
the editor of this volume. It differs a little in phraseology from
Long's manuscript, and also in arrangement, concluding with the
/
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VI THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
conquest of Jamaica, and giving no account of what happened to
Venables after his return to England. These different versions
have been compared and important differences in the matter noticed.
Words misread or omitted in Long's version have sometimes been
supplied by the editor fix)m the others.
In his History of Jamaica (3 yols., 1774) Long quotes several
passages from the narrative of Venables (i. 615-619). It also
formed the basis of * A Letter concerning the expedition of Penn
and Venables against the Island of Hispaniola ' printed in Leonard
Howard's collection of Letters (1753, 4to). The anonymous
author of this * Letter ' mentions his * perusal of some papers and
memoirs of a person of no mean character throughout the action,
whose employment gave him opportunity to know all.' This
compilation is reprinted in the preface to an edition of * The Experi-
enced Angler' ^ published in 1827. An extract from the naiTative
in the possession of Mr. Lee Townshend has been printed in * Some
Account of General Robert Venables, in vol. iv. of the ' Chetham
Miscellany' (1871). But neither these extracts nor Howards
unskilful abridgment sulBSce to supply the place of the original
narrative, which is now published in extenso.
The object of the narrative is to vindicate the reputation of
Venables as a general, and to prove that the disasters which befell the
expedition under his command were due to the fault of others. He
supports his case by quoting letters written by officers serving in
the expexJition, some addressed to himself, others to officials or
friends in England. Of these letters some are to be found in
Thurloe's * State Papers,' but a Ivge number have not been printed
before. The narrative contains also an account of the imprison-
ment of Venables in the Tower, and of his examination by
Cromwell's council. It concludes with a refutation of an anony-
mous pamphlet published in 1655 and reprinted in the third volume
of the * Harleian Miscellany ' (p. 510, ed. Park). This pamphlet
' Written by Venables, and first publishe in 1662, with an epistle from Izaak
Walton to the author.
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PREFACE VU
18 entitled * A brief and perfect Journal of the late Proceedings
and Success of the English Army in the West Indies, continued
until June the 24!th 1655. Together with some Queries inserted
and answered. Published for the Satisfaction of all such as desire
truly to be informed in these Particulars. By I. S. an eye-
witness.'
In order to estimate the value of the defence put forward by
Venables and the truth of the statements which he makes, his
narrative should be compared with the accounts of the expedition
written by other officers employed in it. Two such accounts are
printed in this volume. One is an anonymous relation, or
rather a series of five letters, derived from the Rawlinson
MSS. in the Bodleian Library, and printed in Appendix D.
The other is a journal kept by Henry Whistler, who served
on board the fleet, and represents the views of the partisans of
Penn. An extract from Whistler's journal is printed in the
' Memorials of Sir William Penn' (ii. 31) by Granville Penn, but
Whistler is so graphic and picturesque that the whole of liis
account of the proceedings at Hispaniola and Jamaica seemed to
deserve printing as Appendix E. There are two other narratives
of the expedition which have not hitherto been made use of by
historians. One is the brief account by an officer of Colonel
Fortescue's regiment (probably Major Thomas White) printed in
the third volume of the * Clarke Papers ' (pp. xix, 54). The othe"
is the long and valuable letter of Lieut.-Col. Francis Barrington,
printed in the * Seventh Report of the Historical Manuscripts Cora-
mission ' (p. 571). When to these are added the documents printed
in Thurloe's ' State Papers,' Carte's * Original Letters,' the * Memorials
of Sir William Penn,' and the * Calendar of Colonial State Papers,*
there are few incidents in the histoiy of the Protectorate about
which so much certainty is attainable.
It is unnecessary to discuss the origin of the expedition which
Venables commanded. The subject is fully treated by Dr.
Gardiner in his * History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate *
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Vlll THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
(ii. 447, 471-9), and in an article by Mr. Frank Strong on 'The
Causes of Cromweirs West Indian Expedition,' published in
the * American Historical Review' for January 1899. Edward
Montague's paper on * The Grounds of undertakinge the Designe
of attemptinge the King of Spaine in the West Indies' and
his account of the debate on the subject in the Protector's
council on July 20, 1654, show some of the motives which led
to the attack on the Spanish colonies (* Clarke Papers,' iii.
203-208).
In his narrative Venables asserts that the motives of himself
and his officers were to promote the Gospel and serve their country,
and warmly defends the justice of the expedition against the
aspersions of I. S. (pp. 5, 88-92). The Protector's declaration
published in November 1654, convinced him that Spanish attacks
on English colonies in the past supplied a sufficient casus belli
(p. 90). When he asked to have the justice of the design made
clear to him before engaging, he was * satisfied with this dilemma.
Either there was Peace with the Spaniards in the West Indies, or
not. If Peace, they had violated it, and to seek reparation was just.
If we had no Peace, then there was nothing acted against Articles
with Spain' (p. 3).
Venables had served with credit in Lancashire and Cheshire
from 1642 or thereabouts to 1648. In 1649 he commanded a foot
regiment in the army destined for the reconquest of Ireland, and
from September 1649 to the spring of 1654 he served in Ulster,
where he long held the chief command of the English forces. Of
his services in Ireland he gives some account at the beginning of
his narrative (p. 2). In May 1654 he came over to England to
represent the views of the Irish officers about the settlement of
Ireland, and was then oflTered the command of the expedition to
the West Indies. * The Western Design,' as it was termed, is first
mentioned in the proceedings of Cromwell's council under June 5,
1654 Q Cal. State Papers, Dom.' 1654, p. 201), but it had been
under consideration for some months previously. The appointment
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PREFACE IX
of a special committee to make the preparations for the expedition
took place on August 18, and as the name of Yenables appears in
the list of its members, it is evident that he had by this time accepted
the Protector's oflfer (p. 107 ; cf. Gardiner, * Commonwealth and
Protectorate/ ii. 447, 475). Venables asked for the payment of his
arrears, which was ordered on September 2, 1654 (* Cal. State
Papers, Dom/ 1654, pp. 213, 357). His commission as general
passed the conncil on December 4, is dated December 9, and is
printed in 'Thurloe's State Papers' (iii. 16). His instructions,
printed in Appendix A, p. Ill, are not dated, but were doubtless
drawn up at the same time. The commission to Venables, Penn,
Winslow, Searle, and Butler, as commissioners for the manage-
ment of the expedition, which is also dated December 9, is
printed in Appendix A, p. 109. The commission and instructions
of his colleague Penn, as commander of the fleet, are printed in
the 'Memorials of Sir William Penn,' ii. 21-27.^
When Venables was first ofiered the command, ' I moved,' he
says, ' that my friends should not be made more formidable to me
than my enemies, by bounding and straitening me with com-
missions and instructions, which at that distance would serve but
as fetters' (p. 4). A perusal of the instructions shows that
Clarendon is wrong in describing them as so * very particular and
positive ' that the precise place where Venables was to land in
Hispaniola was definitely stated Q Rebellion,' xv. 10). The instruc-
tions in reality, while stating that the object of the expedition is to
* gain an interest in that part of the West Indies in the Spaniard,'
go on to add * for the eflfecting whereof we shall not tye you up to
a method by any particular instructions, but only communicate to
you what hath bin under our consideration.' DiflTerent points of
attack are suggested, but only suggested, and the decision is left
* Penn's oommission is there dated Oct. 9, which is possibly an error for
Bee. 9. His instniotions were certainly not passed before Dec. 9. See Disbrowe's
letter to Thnrloe, Deo. 7» 1654, suggesting amendments in them. Tharloe,
iii. 17.
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X THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
to be taken by the commanders of the expedition. It was not till
some time after the arrival of the fleet at Barbadoes that it was
resolved to attack Hispaniola (' Memorials of Sir W. Penn/ ii. 70).
On the other hand Venables was, to a certain extent, fettered by
the fact that he shared the control of the expedition with various
colleagues, with Penn as commander of the fleet, and with three
other persons who were commissioners for the management of the
expedition. In theory, Penn had complete control of the fleet and
Venables of the land forces, while the two, assisted by three
other commissioners, were to have the joint management of matters
in which common interests and questions of general policy were
involved. But the limits of their respective functions were not
clearly defined, and Venables bitterly complains that whereas he
had thought the commissioners were merely intended to relieve
him of the management of civil afiairs (like the commissioners
employed with him in Ulster), they went beyond their province and
claimed a general control of his opemtions to which they were not
entitled (p. 101).
Two out of the three colleagues of Venables and Penn were
men of considerable ability, and all three possessed colonial
experience of great value. Edward Winslow, the most important
of the three, was a man whose ability, character and history
admirably fitted him for employment on such an expedition.
Born at Droitwich in 1595, he fell in with the Puritan exiles at
Ley den in 1617 when he was on his travels, became one of John
Robinson's congregation, and sailed with the Pilgrim Fathers in
the * May Flower' in 1620. In 1633 he was chosen Governor of
the colony of New Plymouth, to which oflBce he was re-elected in
1636 and 1644 (Young, * Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers,*
p. 274). In 1646 he returned to England as the agent of
Massachusetts charged to defend the colony from the slanders of
Samuel Gorton and others. On August 5, 1650, Winslow was
made by Act of Parliament one of the seven commissioners
appointed for compounding with delinquents, at a salary of 3001.
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PREFACE xi
per annum. He was suspended from acting in this office in May
1653 because he signed the London petition for the restoration of
the Long Parliament, but was reappointed on Jan. 25, 1654 (* Cal.
State Papers, Dom.' 1653-4, p. 368; 'Clarke Papers,' iii. 6).
Winslow had been frequently consulted on colonial affairs by the
Parliament and the Council of State, so that his appointment as
one of the commissioners for the West Indian expedition naturally
suggested itself to Cromwell. His salary during his employment
was fixed at lOOOZ. per annum ('Cal. State Papers, Colonial,'
1574-1660, pp. 419, 439).
From Winslow's letter to Thurloe, written at Barbadoes on
March 16, 1655, it is very clear that he was thoroughly trusted by
the Protector's government. He was specially enjoined to give
* an impartial character of all things ' to Thurloe for the Protector,
and accordingly wrote at length that * his Highness might under-
stand all things as fully as if he had been here' (Thurloe, iii.
249). It is clear also that he exercised great influence on the
policy pursued by the commissioners at Barbadoes and elsewhere.
He is often mentioned in the Journal of the proceedings of the
Fleet, printed in the * Memorials of Sir William Penn* (ii. 71, 86-
88, 91, 95, 96), which also records his death. Shortly after leaving
Hispaniola * Mr. Winslow began to grow bad in health, having
complained a day or two before ; taking conceit (as his man
affirms) at the Disgrace of the army on Hispaniola, to whom he
told, it had broken his heart.' He died at sea on the evening of
May 7, and on the following day * being put into a coffin, was
heaved into the sea and had the solemnity of forty pieces of
ordnance ' {ib. ii. 98 ; see also pp. 245, 270, post). No greater
loss could have befallen the expedition than the de^th of the only
man among its leadere who knew by practical experience how to
lay the foundations of a colony.
Daniel Searle, the fourth commissioner, was Governor of
Barbadoes from its surrender to Sir George Ayscue in 1652 to the
Restoration. He did not personally accompany the expedition.
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Xll THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
bat his assistaDce was extremely valuable, not only in the island
he governed, but in the West Indies in general. His letters in
Thurloe's collection are one of the sources for the history of the
expedition and colony.
The fourth commissioner was Captain Gregory Butler. Of
his earlier career little is known save the facts stated by himself in
a petition addressed to the Council of State shortly before the
Restoration. He had served under Essex, Sir William Waller,
and Major-General Massey, until the disbanding of Massey*s forces,
about the end of 1646 (Thurloe, vii. 912). After that he
probably went to Barbadoes or some other West Indian colony,
and it was doubtless his possession of some local knowledge which
led to his appointment as a commissioner. In that capacity
Butler proved of very little value. *We are like to have very
little assistance from Captain Butler,* wrote Winslow in March
1655, 'though we all persuade ourselves he is very honest; but
hope, yea persuade ourselves, he will take with the better side in
case of diflTerence of judgment ' (Thurloe, iii. 251). Lieutenant-
Colonel Barrington also describes him as an honest man, but want
of temper and discretion made him a hindrance rather than a
help to his colleagues. * Truth is, I know not of what use he is,
unless to make up a number,* wrote Major-General Fortescue.
* If I may without offence speake it, he is the unfittest man for a
commissioner I ever knew employed. I suppose his Highness and
Councell had little knowledge of him * (ib. iii. 646, 650). Though
urgently needed in Jamaica he persisted in leaving for England.
• I confess I did not desire his stay for an opinion of any service he
could do,' explained Fortescue, * but to make up the number of three
[commissioners], for he may well be spared, his whole business
having been to engender strife and create factions amongst the
officers' (ib. iii. 675). When he went he refused to take part
with the other commissioners in nominating a commander-in-
chief to replace Venables (ib, iii. 681). In Butler's letter to
the Protector, giving an account of the expedition, he attacks
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PREFACE XUl
Venables, Fortescue, and Holdipp, but does not explain the reasons
why he came home (ib. iii. 754). Whatever they were, he
escaped punishment, and, from the bitterness which Venables
manifests against him, was no doubt one of the general's chief
accusers (see pp. 60, 66, 104; * Portland Papers,' ii. 92;
' Memorials of Sir W. Penn/ ii. 129). The Council of State even
thought of sending Butler back to Jamaica, and he subsequently
petitioned to be Governor of the island of Tortuga (* Cal. State
Papers, Colonial,' 1574-1660, pp. 443, 448, 473, 477).
In his narrative Venables lays great stress on the mischief
caused by the interference of the commissioners. The proclama-
tion against plunder, which caused so much discontent in the
army, was decided upon by them against his repeated remonstrances
(pp. 14, 24, 81, 94). His account of the widespread dissatisfaction
which was its result is confirmed by every account of the expedition
(pp. 150-152; 'Harleian Miscellany/ iii. 515; 'Seventh Report
Hist. MSS. Comm. ' p. 572). It was attributed by the army in
general to the influence of Winslow's * always unresistable affirma-
tive' (Thurloe, iii. 505). Venables also complains of Captain
Butler for forcing him to take as a guide against his better
judgment a certain Irishman, who purposely misled the army in
their march to San Domingo (pp. 26, 27). If Venables really
suffered Butler to overrule him in this way it is a sufficient proof
of his own incapacity as a commander; but it seems to be a
worthless excuse. On the whole, the view that the failure of the
expedition was caused by the interference of the commissioners is
utterly untenable. Venables had sufficient authority if he had
known how to use it.
A far more serious obstacle to the success of the expedition than
the necessity of consulting the cpmmissioners was the personal
ill-feeling which sprang up between the admiral and the general.
When the expedition started, Venables and Penn, at the desire of
the former, entered into a solemn engagement. * I desired,' says
Venables, * that there might be that joint affectionate assistance of
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XIV THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
each to other in all things as might enable ourselves to discharge our
trust, and discourage any that might endeavour to sow division
betwixt us ' (p. 56). He protests that he was faithful to the spirit
of this promise, and that no quarrel about precedency took place
between himself and Penn (p. 78). It is pretty clear, however,
that Penn himself was from the first disposed to jealousy and in-
clined to resent supposed encroachments upon his authority.
This is clearly shown by the letter which the Protector wrote to
Penn just before the expedition set sail. After thanking him for
his * care and industry in this business,' Cromwell continued : ' I
doe humblye hope the Lord will have an eye upon this bussines,
and will bless it, and therefore if it be his bussines, it will cer-
tainely provoake every good heart to eye hym in it, and to be
able to overcome everythinge in a man's owne heart that may any-
wayes lye as an impediment in the way that may hinder the bring-
inge of it to its perfection. And in this I have full assurance of
you, notwithstandinge I have had some knowledge of a little dis-
satisfaction remeyneinge with you, which I hope by this tyme
wilbe removed, and I desire you it may be soe. You have your
owne command full and entire to yourselfe, nothing interfeiringe
with it, nor in the least lesseninge you. The command at land is
alsoe distinct, and there the generall at land must exercise his
authoritye, and thus I trust you will both consent to carry on the
publique work without hesitation, and God forbid that anythinge
in you or hym should in the least hinder that. I hope it shall not,
and knowe assuredly upon the experience you have had of me, that
I shall be as tender of your honour, and as sensible to uphold you
in your quality, as you shalbe to desire me ' (* Report on the MSS.
of the Duke of Portland,' ii. 88).
The evidence of this letter is further confirmed by the letter
which Winslow wrote to Thurloe from Barbadoes. ' When I wrote
to you from Portsmouth I told you how easily that scare was cured
betweene Venables and Penn, whose demeanor mutually towards
every other at sea was sweet and hopefuU ; but the last of these
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PREFACE XV
two gentlemen ia too apt to be taken with such concepts ; bat I
trust all will be well ; onely I feare that going hence without our
stores some occasion will arise of disturbance between the land and
sea forces ' (Thurloe, iii. 249).
This fear was justified, for it was precisely over this question
of stores that frequent quarrels arose. Venables repeatedly refers
to the subject in his narrative (pp. 34, 67, 69, 102). An additional
cause of dispute arose when Penn claimed the disposal of the
prizes taken at Barbadoes, and endeavoured to withdraw tl^e sale
of prize goods from the control of his brother commissioners.
Venables hints that this was done in order to embezzle some of
the proceeds (pp. 10, 51-55).
According to Venables, he urged Penn to land the troops at
^ the city of San Domingo itself, but Penn refused to make the
S attempt, alleging a non-existent boom as an obstacle (pp. 18, 22).
There is no reference to this incident in other accounts of the
expedition, but it is probable that Penn refused on the ground
that he must have the harbour sounded first, for after that had
been effected he was perfectly willing to make such an attempt,
and proposed it of his own accord (' Memorials of Sir W. Penn,' ii.
84, 93). In consequence of this, the army were obliged to land far
to the westward of the town, and to make a long march through the
woods before attacking it. For this Venables was greatly blamed,
but he alleges that the landing at Point Nizao (instead of at Hina
Bay, where Drake had formerly landed) was due to the absence of
the guides, whom Penn had employed elsewhere, and to the negli-
gence of Penn and Rear- Admiral Dakyns (pp. 18-20, 24, 79, 81,
127, 151). The statement that the landing at so distant a place
was due to the absence of the guides, is also made by Commissioner
Butler and Major-General Fortescue (Thurloe, iii. 510, 650).
Penn, on the other hand, explains that the wind and the sea rendered
landing at the place originally chosen impossible.
In a letter written on June 6 he says : * The place always
intended for their landing being Hina Bay, some six or seven
a
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XVI THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
miles west from the town, they could not approach nnto it (being
a lee shore, and very full of rocks, and the breeze being that day
very great and the sea much grown) ; so that they were necessi-
tated to sail down further to leeward unto the next place, called
Point Nicayo, which was more safe, but at least 8 leagues distant
from Domingo/ *The Journal of every days Proceedings in
the Expedition of the Fleet,' printed in the 'Memorials of Sir
William Penn,' seems to show that the portion of the fleet sent
to land the troops had no very definite instruction where to do
so, and speaks of some transports * having no orders where the
place of landing was, or what motion to observe on the flagships
that went with them, concerning the same' (ii. 81, 82, 110).
Penn retorted by bringing countercharges against Venables.
He declared that he offered to assist in the capture of San
Domingo with the fleet, but that his offers were rejected. * He had
oflered them several times to do with the fleet what they could
purpose or desire. He would undertake to batter and render
unserviceable the fort (Jeronimo) in four hours ; that he would go
in before the town with some ships, and batter that, and scour the
walls, and clear the way for them to the gates ; nay, that he
would land their men on the town quay.* These offers, made both
before and after the failure of the second attack, were not
accepted, and in spite of all he could say nothing could persuade
Venables to make a third attempt (' Memorials of Sir William
Penn,' ii. 85, 87, 88, 92-96 98). None of these offei-s of co-
operation are mentioned in the narrative of Venables, but the fact
that they were made was generally known at the time, and they
are referred to in Whistler's Journal (pp. 152, 157-159, 160).
Nor does Venables do justice to the great assistance given by
Penn and the fleet in the attack on Jamaica (pp. 35, 137, 162).^
* It is evident thai the ill will which existed between their commanders spread
to the soldiers and sailors, and that the sailors expressed open contempt for the
soldiers and their leader (pp. 32, 56, 6d, 101 ; cf. Thurloe, iii. 507 ; Memorials of
Sir William Penn, ii. 105.
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PREFACE xvii
The Pi*otector apparently regarded Penn and Venables as
equally blameworthy, for he sent both to the Tower when they
returned from Jamaica, on the ground that they had left their
commands without leave, and he never employed either of them
again. Venables gives a long account of his examinations and
his imprisonment (pp. 75-87). He concludes by complaining
bitterly that, whereas Penn had urged him *not to yield to
acknowledge any fault,' and promised that he himself never would
do so, the admiral, nevertheless, was the Urst to submit and
obtain his liberty (p. 87).
Mistakes in the conduct of the attack on Hispaniola, and
quarrels between the leaders of the expedition were, however, not
the only reason for its failure. The Protector's government was
responsible for the errors in the organisation of the expedition, for
its defective equipment, for the bad quality of the army placed
under the command of Venables. The preparation of great
expeditions beyond seas and the conditions of successful colonisa-
tion were subjects of which the Protector's councillors knew
little. But the carelessness and want of forethought shown in
this particular instance were extremely discreditable to all
concerned.
The force with which Venables sailed from England consisted
of five regiments of foot. A list of the oflScers of these regiments
and of the general officers and staff, drawn up about December
1654, is printed in the * Calendar of Colonial State Papers,' 1574-
1674, Addenda, p. 90. A later list, drawn up in the following
March, when the expedition left Barbadoes, is printed in this
volume as Appendix B (p. 116). It is taken from the MSS. of
the Duke of Portland, and the Society is indebted to Dr. Gardiner
for a copy of it.
In addition to these five regiments Venables had under his
command a company of reformados, numbering 100 men (* Cal.
State Papers, Dom.' 1654, p. 398) ; a troop of horse, consisting of
60 men besides officers (ib. pp. 405, 410) ; about 50 artillerymen ;
aa
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XVIU THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
and a company of 120 firelocks (see p. 122, post). It is possible,
however, that the two last detachments may have been raised in
Barbadoes.
It was originally intended by the Protector to send 3,000 men
to the West Indies, but according to Venables the force which
actually embarked was not more than 2,500 in number. The
five regiments, therefore, must have numbered less than 500
men apiece (pp. 9, 107). The colonels commanding these five
regiments were Venables himself, Major-General James Heane,
Colonel Richard Fortescue, Colonel Anthony BuUer, and Colonel
Anthony Carter. All had seen considerable service, Heane had
served chiefly in the West of England under Massey and other
local commanders. From May 1645 to 1646 he was major in the
regiment of horse commanded by Colonel FitzJames (* Cal. State
Papers, Dom.' 1645-7, p. 488). In 1647 he was Governor of
Weymouth. On May 22, 1650, he was authorised to raise a
regiment of foot. In October 1651 he commanded the expedition
which assisted Blake's fleet to reJuce Jersey (' Clarke Papers,* ii.
228). Heane was an ardent Puritan, and his religious enthusiasm
is freely express<^d in several letters contained in volume xvii. of
the ' Clarke Papers ' in Worcester College Library.
Fortescue was a still more experienced soldier. He had been
a lieutenant-colonel of foot in the anuy under Essex at the begin-
ning of the campaign of 1644, became colonel later in the year,
and commanded a regiment in the New Model from 1645 to 1647.
In the dispute between army and Parliament in the summer of
1647 he took part with the latter, lost his commission, and was
superseded by Colonel John Barkstead. Thus he had been for
seven years unemployed when he was offered a command in the
expedition. Owing to debts and a lawsuit, his private aflairs
were in a very unsatisfactory condition, and it is evident that the
hope of obtaining the payment of the an'ears due to him for former
services was one of his motives for accepting the offer (Thurloe,
iii. 649, 675). Another motive was religious zeal. ' We have
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PREFACE XIX
encoantered and waded throagh many hardships and diflSculties/
he wrote from Jamaica, ' bat all's nothing so as we may be instru-
mental to propagate the gospel' (ib. iii. 651). When Heane was
killed Fortescue succeeded him as major-general, and on June 24,
1655, he succeeded Yenables as Commander-in-Chief, but as
Commissioner Butler refused his concurrence the validity of the
appointment was rather doubtful (ib, iii. 581, 650, 681). It is
one of the points upon which Venables thinks it necessary to
defend his action (pp. 66, 103). Fortescue was highly commended
by Cromwell for accepting the responsibility. * I do commend,'
wrote the Protector, * in the midst of others miscarriages, your
constancy and faithfulness to your trust in every [place] where you
are, and taking care of a company of poore sheepe left by their
shepheards ; and be assured that as that which you have done hath
been good in itselfe, and becomeinge an honest man, so it hath a
very good savour here with all good Christians and all true
Englishmen, and will not be forgotten by me, as opportunitie
shall serve ' (Thurloe, iv. 633). Fortescue was a popular oflScer,
and in one of his letters to the Protector says, * I have reason to
thank God for the large interest I have in the affections of the
army, without which I should have no desyre of governinge such a
body, being left in such disadvantages ' (t6. iii. 675 ; cf. iii. 159).
He died in October 1655, a few days after the arrival of Major
Sedgwick with reinforcements from England (ih. iv. 153).
Several petitions addressed by his widow to Cromwell and to
Charles II. are among the State Papers (' Cal. State Papers,
Dom.' 1655-6, pp. 246, 292; * Cal. State Papers, Col.' 1661-8,
p. 52).
Anthony BuUer, the colonel of the fourth regiment, seems to
have served in the Parliamentary forces in the West of England
during the First Civil War. He was Governor of Scilly after the
capture of the islands by Batten in September 1646, but two years
later his men mutinied and declared for Charles II. (cf. p. 93 ;
* Cal. Clarendon Papers,' i. 332). After that he remained for some
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XX THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
time unemployed. In the spring of 1654 a French physician
called Naadin on behalf of de Baas, the French agent in England,
applied to Buller in order to get up a mutiny among the discon-
tented portion of the army, but Buller revealed the intrigue to
the government (Thurloe, ii. 352 ; cf. Gardiner, * Commonwealth
and Protectorate,' ii. 437). To this possibly he owed his employ-
ment in the expedition. Buller is thus characterised by Scout-
master Berkenhead in a letter from Barbadoes : * The gentleman
himself is stout, 1 jves applause and flattery, and if there be any
persons that would seeme to disrelish our general's proceedings,
something he hath to say on their behalfs, and all the reason I
could ever find, he judgeth himself the elder collonel' (Thurloe,
iii. 159). Veaables complains that Buller intrigued with Com-
missioner Butler and some discontented officers against him after
the army had landed in Jamaica (pp. 61-66). He also states that
the failure of the first attempt to take the city of St. Domingo was
partly caused by BuUer's disobedience to his orders, which were
that Buller was not to advance against the city afler landing, but
to wait till the rest of the army came up (pp. 21, 22, 27, 30). On
the other hand, Buller is very warmly defended by Lieutenant-
Colonel Barrington of his own regiment, and was selected by the
council of officers in July 1655 to repretent the wants of the army
to the Protector. ' My coUonel,' says Barrington, * is ordered by
the councill of the army to wayt on his Highness on our behalfe ;
be is a gentleman of experienced fidelitie to us, and hath stood up
faythfully for the advancement of the present expedition, yet what-
soever he or the other two collonels sayd or desyred, yet the
general would do what he pleased ' (Thurloe, iii. 647). In this
letter and in a long and valuable narrative, printed in the ^ Seventh
Report of the Historical MSS. Commission,' (pp. 571-5), Barring-
ton explains Buller's part in the expedition, and alleges that if his
advice had been followed by Venables the result would have been
more successful than it was. Cromwell, at all events, appears to
have been fairly satisfied with BuUer's conduct.
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PREFACE XXI
Andrew Carter, the colonel of the fifth regiment, was an officer
of less ability than Fortescue or Bailer, and one of whom the
accounts of the expedition say very little. He had been lieutenant-
colonel of Lambert's foot regiment when Cromwell invaded
Scotland, but left the army in disgrace about July 1651.
* Lieutenant-Colonel Carter,' says a letter from Cornet Baynes
dated July 5, ' is gone off, and will not stay till his articles come
forth.' ^Tippling/ according to Baynes was the main charge
against him (* Letters from Roundhead officers in Scotland,' Ban-
matyne Club, pp. 13, 26). Carter bad presumably cured himself
of this fault ; certainly no such charge is alleged against him in
1655, and he is vaguely praised as setting a godly example
(Thurloe, iii. 159). He died about the same time as Fortescue
(Thurloe, iv. 153, 455).
Among the staff officers and regimental officers there were
a considerable number of veterans, and a certain number of men
of ability. None were taken, says Venables, but such as had good
recommendations from ministers of state or officers of the army
(p. 91). * There were some godly men, eminent for their piety and
valour and services in their country . . . and the major part of
the officers were civil,' i e. well conducted, ' though not able and fit
for employment . . . though they had good men to recommend
them, as is said, and had served the state' (p. 92). In another
passage he complains of ' lazy dull officers that have a large portion
of pride, but not of wit, valour, or activity ' (p. 50). * We had,' says
Captain How, ' a great many of bad commanders as well as bad
soldiers ' (pp. 41, 42). Adjutant-General Jackson was an example
(pp. 33, 92). The chief fault of the officers was their neglect to
maintain discipline among their men ; they admonished when they
ought to have punished (pp. 84, 1 01 ; but see pp. 45, 91). * There
is no discipline at all, but every one doth what he lists, and the
officers as bad as the men,' was the explanation of the defeat in
Hispaniola which was given by an officer ' (* Memorials of Sir W.
Penn,' ii. 00). As the burden of the fighting and the fatigues of
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XXU THE NAKKATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
the campaign fell heaviest on the best officers, death very rapidly
reduced the nnmber of capable and trustworthy officers, and their
places were difficult to fill. * We cannot but be sensible/ wrote
Vice- Admiral Goodson and Major Sedgwick to i^e Protector in
January 1656, * of the state and quality of the commanders in
general, men of no great high natural parts, and by much and long
sickness parts and qualities both impaired and weakened ' (Thurloe,
iv. 457).
The greatest difficulty Venables had to contend with, and the
greatest defect in the organisation of the expedition, was the
inferior quality of the soldiers comprising his army. He wished,
as he tells us, that the soldiers intended for the expedition should
be drawn from the Irish Army, and it would have been better
if the Protector and his council had accepted this proposal. It
was quite feasible, for the army in Ireland was larger than
necessary, and both in 1653 and in 1655 many regiments were
disbanded (see Ludlow's * Memoirs,' ii. 360, 41 5, ed. 1894). I^bably
the plan was rejected because the Protector for political reasons
desired to settle these disbanded soldiers in Ireland. Whatever the
motive, the nucleus of old soldiers required for the army placed
under the command of Venables was supplied, not by volunteers,
but by drafts fi*om the regiments in England, where a similar
reduction of forces was taking place. The men thus drafted were
naturally, as Venables points out, not the best men in the regiments
but ' the most abject in all companies, and raw fellows that werd
freely taken in to save their old standers' (pp. 5, 91, 100). The
number of men thus brought together was not more than 2,000,
and probably less. There are orders respecting their pay among
the State Papers, but no precise statement there as to their number
(* Cal. State Papers, Dom.' 1654, pp. 397, 400, 404). • We had not
above one thousand old soldiers in our army,' says Captain How
(p. 44). The deficiency was supplied, according to one account,
by impressing recruits of the most unpromising kind.
* Drums were also beaten up for such voluntary soldiers as were
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PREFACE XXIU
willing to serve the commonwealth beyond sea ; which gave
encouragement to several who go by the name of hectors, and
knights of the blade, with common cheats, thieves, cutpnrses, and
such like lewd persons, who had long time lived by the sleight of
hand, and dexterity of wit, and were now making a fair progress
unto Newgate, from whence they were to proceed towards Tyburn ;
but, considering the dangerousness of that passage, very politicly
directed their course another way, and became soldiers for the state.
Some sloathful and thievish servants likewise, to avoid the punish-
ment of the law, and coveting a yet more idle life followed after in
the same path; there were also drawn forth, out of most of the old
standing regiments, such as were newly enlisted, to complete the
number. For those who were better principled, and knew what
fighting was, were (as it should seem) reserved for a better purpose,
some few only excepted ; which were as a mixture of little wine
with much water, the one losing its proper strength and vigour,
and the other thereby little bettered ' (* Harleian Miscellany,* iii.
513).
Such being the composition of the force he brought with him
from England, Venables was justified in the complaints he makes
in his narrative (pp. 40, 42, 44, 02, 93). He repeats them in a
letter to Thurloe on June 13, 1655, saying : ' I am confident had wee
raised men all over England at the adventure, wee should have
been better fitted than by those assigned us' (Thurloe, iii. 545).
All the field ofiicers of the army in their representation of July 18
make a similar complaint (ib. ii. 661 ; p. 65, post).
The haste with which this miscellaneous collection of men was
embarked increased the difficulty of organising an army out of
them. Venables complains that no general muster of the army
before its embarkation was permitted (p. 6). There was but little
time for drilling them, and they ai*e summarily described as * raw
and unexercised' (p. 100). At Barbadoes the soldiers were
drilled twice a week (p. 12 ; cf. Thurloe, iii. 158), but there is no
record of any instruction being given them during the voyage.
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XXIV THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLE&
ludeed, they were embarked in sach a hurry that the oflScers were
frequently separated from their men, and from their baggage
(pp. 6, 68). On this point the narrative of Venables is confirmed
by Lieut.-Col. Harrington's account of his own experience.
*The 15th of December, 1654, we marched from our settled
quarters (which was Chichester) towai'ds Portsmouth, but lay still
that night, and the next day, being the Sabbath, the 17th of the
same, we marched again for Portsmouth, where we immediately em-
barked and very willingly, but some of the regiments so unwilling
that Major General Disborowe his horse forced them aboard ; the
soldiers being shipped the officers employed themselves in getting
themselves aboard likewise, but General Disborowe was so strict
(not giving us eighteen hours) that many officers and the goods of
others were left behind, not seeing servants nor goods imtil we
came into the Barbados ; for my own part I saw not Dick nor any
of my things until we arrived in the forementioned port, but was
forced to borrow shifts of the Capt. of the ship. This sudden
unexpectedness of time put the officers into great disorder by con-
straining them to go in other vessels after their men, which very
probably might have been of dangerous consequence, for the
private men were much discontented at their officers' absence,
seeing neither money nor officers they concluded they were thither
brought to be sold to some foreign prince. My own company with
two more (aboard the vessel I came hither) were resolved to force
themselves ashore on the Isle of Wight if I had not come to them
as I did, but being with them all was very well and quiet the whole
voyage.'
At Barbadoes between 3,000 and 4,000 more men were raised,
of whom Lieut.-Col. Barrington gives the following account :
* Being well settled in our respective quarters, we had command
given us to entertain all men that were willing to engage in the
present expedition ; accordingly we obeyed, but the inhabitants
finding themselves much grieved (and not without a cause), they
complained that they should be utterly ruined in case their servants
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PREFACE XXV
were taken from them, they being their livelihood. Upon this
complaint our grandees (I mean the commissioners) ordered that
no oflScer whatsoever, upon pain of loss of place, should detain any
man's servant that had above nine months to serve, and for the
future to entertain none other but freemen, and such servants as
came within the afore-mentioned limitation, all whic)i was done
intentionally to complete every regiment up to a thousand before
we marched from the island ; the doing of this hath much injured
poor people, even to their undoing, and prejudiced many of the
rich, some losing ten servants, some fifteen, some more, some less,
none escaping us ; therefore most men will conjecture, hearing of
it, that we dealt very severely with our countrymen ; their whole
estates lay in the good stock of servants, therefore to take them
away, I must confess, was a great piece of cruelty. Sir, the
gentlemen of the island did desire several times to know how many
men we wanted, with all making it their further request that they
might have liberty to raise them for us, and that we should have no
trouble in it, and every inhabitant satisfied, no one bearing a
greater burthen than another ; but this was not accepted of, but
left to the discretion of our officers, who endeavoured to get as
many men as they could, not valuing who was undone. Such was
the irregularity of this carriage that many lost all their servants,
and others but few (if any) who far exceeded the former in estates
ten times over, and I may say without lying, ten times more '
C Seventh Eep. Hist. MSS. Comm.' p. 572).
Besides these indented servants a number of freemen were
enlisted ' which were a greater loss to some than their servants.*
These were voluntary emigrants who formed the free serving class
in the colony. * They are such who served in the country for their
freedom, or paid their passage when transported from England ;
such as these might be freely entertained without control, yet the
going off of these was very prejudiciall to most, they owing much
and not giving any satisfaction, neither was there any care taken
that they should satisfy their creditors ' Q Seventh Rep. Hist. MSS.
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XXVI THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Comm.' p. 572). Colonel Modyford, while mentioning the loss the
colony suffered in these ways, says plainly that it was not the faalt
of the commissioners, but due to the refusal of the local govern-
ment to assist them in levying men at Barbadoes. * Notwithstand-
ing this the Commissioners did restore all servants that could be
found, and all indebted men they had notice of (Thnrloe, iii. 620 ;
cf. iii. 250, iv. 7, 39).
The men thus raised at Barbadoes, and those of the same sort
levied in the other islands, were, as might have been expected, very
inferior fighting material. Venables describes them as * being
only bold to do mischief, not to be commanded as soldiers, nor to
be kept in any civil order; being the most profane debauched
persons that ever we saw, scomers of religion, indeed men so loose
as not to be kept under discipline and so cowardly as not to be
made to fight * (p. 30). Penn and the other commissioners, echoed
this condemnation in a letter to the Governor of Barbadoes (p. 30).
Captain How's remarks are still more emphatic (pp. 40, 44).
Whistler's description of Barbadoes, 'the dunghill whereon
England doth cast forth its rubbish ' (p. 146), is a sufficient
explanation of the character of these recruits.
The men raised at Barbadoes were for the most part in-
corporated in the five infantry regiments Venables brought with
him, thus raising their numbers to 900 or 1,000 apiece. The rest
were formed into a separate regiment under the command of
Colonel Lewis Morris, a Barbadian planter. At the last moment,
however, Morris declined to go on the expedition unless his debts
were paid by the State. * He told us in plaine terms, if we would
give him an hundred thousand weight of sugar, that so he might
pay his debts, and leave his estate cleere to his wife, then Lewis
Morris would shed his blood for us.' Venables and the commis-
sioners rejected this proposal, but persuaded him to conceal his
intention till his regiment was on board, which he consented to do
(Thuiloe, vi. 158. 250). On the resignation of Morris, Venables
gave the command of the regiment to his own lieutenant-colonel,
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PREFACE XXVll
Edward D*Oyley, Governor of Jamaica from November 1655 to
December 1656, and again from September 1657 to the Restoration.
In a letter to the Protector, written in June 1656 asking to be
conGrmed as Governor, D'Oyley gives the following accoant of
himself. * I am a gentleman of no inconsiderable family, but
persecuted theis many years for the cause of religion. . . . My
education at the Inns of Court, togeather with my continual!
employments, not meane ones, in civill and martiall affairs these
fowerteene yeares past, may have given me experimentall
abilities enough to performe the charge heere as commander-in-
cheife of the forces, or governor, if I am allowed to be indued
with common parts. . . . That though I have not I have been
satisfied in all revolutions of late tymes ; yet upon your highness
being made protector, I did quit a good employment in Ireland,
and publiquely declared to Lieut.-Gen. Ludlowe and others, that
I would goe for England, and live and dye in your interest'
(Thurloe, v. 138). In another letter written in September 1657
D'Oyley describes himself as in his fortieth year, so that he was
born about 1617. The early services to which he refers I have
not yet succeeded in tracing. D'Oyley's part in the attack on
Hispaniola and the early occurrences at Jamaica was not very
prominent or important, but from November 1655 to the Restora-
tion he is the principal figure in the history of the colony. Some
of his papers descended to Long, the historian of Jamaica, and
are now in the British Museum (Add. MSS. 12423, 12410,
1241 1). They contain a list of commissions granted by him, and
a number of miscellaneous orders which throw a good deal of
light on the early life of the colony.
Besides filling up the ranks of the five regiments, and raising
a sixth infantry regiment, a small number of horse were also
got together.
Captain Henry Jones and the troop of 60 horse which were to
have accompanied the expedition from England did not reach
Barbadoes with the rest of the fleet. It was at first reported that
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XXVm THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
he was dead, but finally discovered that * he being embarked in
the " Little Charity," with his horses, was driven into Ireland, and
detained there for some time by contrary winds ' (* Cal. State
Papers, Dom.' 1655, p. 433; 'Mercurius Politicus,' pp. 5320,
5372). To replace Jones's troop two small troops of hoi*se were
raised at Barbadoes, viz. a troop of 60 horse equipped and
mounted at the cost of the island, and 30 gentlemen who ' came
in with their horses and servants as a lifeguard to General Ven-
ables' (ib. p. 5341 ; Thurloe, iii. 621). The first troop was com-
manded by Captain Philip Carpenter (see pp. 31, 122); the
second by Captain Heane, son of the Major-General (' Report on
the Portland MSS.' ii. 90 ; Thurloe, iii. 514). The total, added to
the few of Jones's troopers who had not shared the disaster of
their captain, made up 121 horse, besides officers (p. 122).
At Barbadoes also the artillery of the expedition, such as it
was, was completed. A small mortar-piece was borrowed, as the
mortars intended to accompany Venables had been left behind in
the 'Great Charity' (Thurloe, iii. 506). According to the
pamphlet by I. S. wooden mortars were actually made, though
they never appear to have been used (* Harleian Miscellany,' iii.
515). The artillery train also included two 'drakes.' but nothing
is heard of any other field guns. Captain Hughes was the
commander of the train (Thurloe, iii. 507 ; iv. 611 ; see also pp.
28, 82, 132, post).
In addition to these forces a seventh regiment of foot was raised
in St. Christopher's and the Leeward Islands. Captain Gregory
Butler, one of the commissioners, Captain Edward Blagge, of the
Marston Moor, and Richard Holdipp, Lieutenant-Colonel of Fortes-
cue's regiment, were dispatched from Barbadoes in February for
the pui'pose. At Antigua they obtained only a couple of pilots.
At Mountserrat they levied 80 men. At Nevis 300 men were
enlisted in one day. At St. Christopher's 800 or 900 more were
procured. In all about 1,200 men were got together, according
to Butler's computation,* and shipped on board the fleet about
» I. S. boldJy Bays 1,800. Harleian Miscellany, iii. 615. ^^ ^
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PREFACE XXIX
April 7 (Thurloe, iii. 142, 158, 505, 754; see also pp. 30, 149,
post). This was at least 200 more than the commissioners were
instructed to raise, and considering the shortness of provisions and
arms, the additional men were rather a difficulty than a help.
Butler states that he made this objection, but was overruled by
his brother commissioners and by Fortescue. Holdipp's ambition
was the cause. ' For by this means Holdept thought that he
might have the command of a reggemente, whoe indeed never
merited a company.' So it fell out. * The Generall,' says Butler,
' made Holdept colonel contrary to the advice of the Major-
Generall of blessed memory, and contrary to all the officers of the
armey, and thereby contrary to my one mind, whoe shall never
endure such base covetuose Matchavells * (Thurloe, iii. 755).
On the other hand, Holdipp had been specially recommended for
employment as a commissioner by a committee of merchants and
others acquainted with the West Indies, and evidently possessed
some knowledge of the colonies. He had once been Governor of
the English colony at Surinam, but had returned to England
before 1654 (Thurloe, ii. 543; iv. 157). It was owing no
doubt to his local knowledge that Venables relied upon his advice,
and as Lieut. -Col. Barrington complained, *took Holdepp to be of
his cabinett counsell (who hath been a very ill member to this
army ' (ih. iii. 647 ; cf. * Seventh Report Hist. MSS. Comm.'p. 575).
On May 19 Venables made him colonel of the regiment late
Major-General Heane's, and the St. Christopher's regiment was
shortly afterwards reduced (Thurloe, iii. 661). Whatever his
defects as a soldier, Holdipp understood colonisation, and when the
army at Jamaica took to planting, he was ' the best and most
forward planter.' About June 1656, however, * upon articles
preferred against him by his lieutenant-colonel for detaineing the
dues of the regiment etc.,' he was sentenced to be ' totally
casheired,' hnd returned to England (Thurloe, v. 152). It was
reported in 1657 that the Protector intended to send him back to
Jamaica, but Lieu tenant-General Brayne advised against it, as a
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XXX THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
thing * which will breed great disturbance here, he is so extremely
hated for his cruelties and oppression, which they say he hath
executed in the Indies' (ib. vi. 391). He did not return, but
probably entered the Venetian service, obtaining a recom-
mendatory letter to that government from the Protector on April
20, 1658 (lb. vii. 83).
Taking all these additional forces into account, it is evident
that Venables must have had a considerable army under his
command by the time he reached the coast of Hispaniola. He says
himself that he brought 2,500 men with him, and Winslow,
writing from Barbadoes on March 30, says that the 2,500 men
had been made up there to 6,000 (Thurloe, iii. 325, 500).
According to Venables there landed at Hispaniola in all 6,551, and
he asserts that this was the highest number he ever had (pp. 94,
97, 99). On the other hand, a muster of the army taken on March
26, 1655, just before leaving Barbadoes, gives a total of 6,973
officers and men (see p. 122, post). Holdipp's regiment from St.
Kitts, which joined a few days later, and consisted of from 1 ,000
to 1,200 men, made up the total to over 8,000. Moreover, there
was also the sea regiment, consisting of 1,080 (or 1,200) sailors
from the fleet, who had been drilled and formed into a regiment
during the stay at Barbadoes (Thurloe, iii. 158 ; cf. * Memorials
of Sir William Penn,' ii. 68, 73, 75, 80). Penn, in explaining
the rapid consumption of the provisions on board the fleet,
incidentally remarks ' the soldiers landed at Hispaniola, being
besides the sea regiment, at least 8,000 * (ih, ii. 111).
The author of the narrative and letter printed in Appendix
D gives the total force landing at Hispaniola as 8,000 exclusive
of the sea regiment, which he puts at 1,000 men, making a total
of 9,000. In one passage he even states the total as 9,500 (pp.
127, 129, 136). From all these different pieces of evidence it
seems clear that Venables in his defence greatly understates the
number of the forces under his command. It seems impossible to
doubt that he had 8,000 men, without counting the sea regiment.
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PREFACE XXXI
Venables also understates his losses at Hispaniola. I. S.,
wiiose pamphlet he endeavours to refute, asserts that by a general
muster taken at the end of April or early in May, it was found
that of 9,700 men landed originally (including the sea regiment)
only about 8,000 remained (^Uarleian Miscellany,' iii. 516).
While 9,700 is certainly too large a figure, and therefore to put
the loss at 1,700 is putting it much too high, it is pretty clear that
Venables goes to the other extreme in declaring that he only lost
700 men there (pp. 97, 99). The losses in the fighting on April
17 and April 25 were certainly heavy, though the number is
nowhere very definitely stated. In the second repulse about 300
or 400 men are said to have been killed or mortally wounded (pp.
27, 29, 131, 133, 159 ; ' Clarke Papers,' iii. 56, 57 ; ' Memorials of
Sir William Penn,' ii. 90 ; Thurloe, iii. 506). In addition to this,
a considerable number died of their wounds, and still more from
disease occasioned by insufficient food and exposure to the
weather (pp. 135, 156, 160). The two narratives in the Appendix
both estimate the total loss in Hispaniola at 1,000 men (pp. 135,
159), and Lieut.-Col. Barrington says * I am confident we lost 1,000
men at least in that island,' adding that the sea regiment alone
lost 116 men before April 28 Q Seventh Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm.' p.
575).
Deducting his losses at Hispaniola, therefore, Venables probably
landed at Jamaica about 7,000 men, not counting the sea regiment.
This is the figure given by I. S. and by the author of the narrative
in Appendix D (pp. 99, 136). Venables makes a feeble attempt
to refute this by repeating again the enx)neous statement that he
never had more than 6551 men, adding that ten weeks after the
landing at Jamaica, ' which was our first muster,' he had over
5,800 men. As the landing at Jamaica was on May 10, the
muster referred to must have taken place about July 20, by which
time the loss from sickness had been very great (pp. 48, 49, 67,
140, 166). During the next three months the deaths from disease
were still more numerous. * Still halfe our armie lies sicke and
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XXXll TUE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
helpless/ says a letter dated November 5, 1655 (p. 142). A
muster taken in November 1655 gives a total of 2,194 men well
and 2,316 sick, besides 173 women and children. But from these
4,510 men most be deducted 790 belonging to the regiment of
Colonel Humphreys, which had just arrived from England with
Sedgwick, so that of the 7,000 men who landed in May, only
3,720 were still alive ('Cal. State Papers, Colonial,' Addenda,
p. 105).
The great mortality among the soldiers and the disasters
which befell the expedition were due to want of foresight and care
in its equipment as well as to the errors of its commander and the
officers under him. The arrangements for the expedition seem to
have been in the hands of a committee appointed in August 1654,
consisting chiefly of merchants and sea-captains possessing special
knowledge of the West Indies. Of this committee ' for the
manageing the Southerne expedition,' both Venables and Penn
were members (p. 108). Specimens of its recommendations are
printed in Thurloe's 'State Papers' (ii. 543; iii. 203), but the
earliest and most important papers relative to the equipment of the
expedition are not to be found either there or among the Domestic
or Colonial State Papers. General Uisbrowe, the Protector's
brother-in-law, seems to have been the man chiefly trusted with
the duty of seeing these recommendations carried out, and with
the general supervision of the preparations for the expedition
(Thurloe, iii. 11 ; cf. 'Cal. State Papers, Dom.' 1654, p. 414).
Whether it was the fault of Disbrowe or the committee, the
equipment of the expedition was in every way defective.
Venables asserts that the provisions supplied for the expedition
were insufficient in amount and inferior in quality. ITie deficiency
in quantity, which is amply proved, was partly due to the fact that
a number of the storeships were left behind when the fleet started,
and detained by the weather when they should have set out to
follow it (pp. 6, 7). They did not join till the expedition had
landed at Jamaica. The * Recovery,' the ' William,' the * Augus-
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PREFACE XXXlll
tine ' and the ' Morning Star ' arrived at Barbadoes after Venablea
had left (Thorloe, iii. 499). Though the * William ' and ' Recovery '
arrived on May 19 at Jamaica {ib, iv. 28 ; ' Memorials of Sir W.
Penn,' ii. Ill), 'The bread they brought/ wrote Venables and
Butler, * is so inconsiderable that it will but serve the army 22 days
at half allowance ' (Thurloe, iii. 510). In another letter he says these
two ships brought ' some biscuit which we extremely want, but the
fleet claim it as theirs, and then we starve' (Carte, 'Original
Letters,' ii. 50). On June 4, the two others, the * Augustine ' and
* Edward ' arrived at Jamaica, but the fifth, the ' Morning Star,'
was too leaky to get beyond Barbadoes and her lading had to be
transferred ('Memorials of Sir William Penn,' ii. 112).
At the same time there were complaints of the unsoundness of
the stores originally supplied, which Venables attributes to the
deliberate neglect or corruption of Disbrowe (p. 4 ; cf . ' Memorials
of Sir William Penn,' ii. 67). It was necessary, because of the
insufficiency of the stores on board the fleet, to buy provisions at
Barbadoes, and the only provisions to be purchased there consisted
of a stock sent thither for sale by the Victuallers of the Navy.
These provisions were ofthe most inferior quality (pp. 8, 12-13, 43),
and so insufficient in quantity that on the short voyage from Bar-
badoes to Jamaica the soldiers were put on half rations. By the time
they landed they were greatly weakened by their bad diet, and
unfit to face the hardships to which they were exposed (p. IS).
Venables was blamed for staying so long at Barbadoes that he
lost the best season for attacking Hispaniola and gave the
Spaniards time to prepare for his coming, but the absence of his
storeships obliged him either to wait for them or to obtain fresh
supplies (pp. 79, 93, 100). But he was not obliged to levy more
men than he could feed, and it would have been far better if,
instead of the 5,000 men he did raise in the West Indies, he had
contented himself with half that number (cf. ' Memorials of Sir W.
Penn,' ii. 72).
During the three weeks the army was on shore at Hispaniola
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XXXIV THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
it continued to snffer for want of food, not so much because of the
insufficiency of provisions on board the fleet as on account of
defects in the arrangements for their distribution to the troops (pp.
21, 32, 43, 45, 94, 127, 132, 134). The soldiers were finally re-
duced to eat dogs and horses, and many died of bad or poisonous food
(pp. 34, 44, 98, 135). Venables attributes the lack of provisions
to the ill-will of Pennand the navy (pp. 34, 44, 98, 135, 160), but
it is evident both from Whistler's narrative and other sources that
Penn was less to blame than the general asserts (pp. 153, 155 ;
' Memorials of Sir W. Penn,' ii. 81, 83, 84, 86).
After the landing in Jamaica there was a similar scarcity of
bread and biscuit, which were supplied from the fleet * with a strait
and a slack hand, and also very bad ' (pp. 40, 41, 47, 48, 67-69 ;
cf. ' Memorials of Sir W. Penn,' ii. 100, 105). At first the de-
ficiency was supplied with fresh meat, as cattle were abundant in
Jamaica, and the Spaniards agreed to send in a certain number
every day while the treaty lasted. After the treaty was broken
ofi* the cattle became more and more difficult to procure, and were
driven into the woods by the soldiers who chased them (pp. 36, 39,
41, 45, 58, 164-166). Meat grew scarcer and scarcer; once more
the soldiers ate dogs, horses, mules, roots, raw fruit, and disease
naturally followed (pp. 45, 48, 141, 166). But while the want of
bread and biscuit was due to the insufficiency of the supplies pro-
vided by the government in England, the want of meat was due to
the incapacity of the commanders of the army. There were plenty
of cattle in Jamaica, and the army, as I. S. observed, was ' starv-
ing in a cook's shop ' (* Uarleian Miscellany,' iii. 522). Lieut.-
Col. Barrington gives a similar account of the sufferings of the
soldiers for the want of provisions. Writing on July 14, 1655,
he says, * The army is at present in a very sad condition, we have
no bread allowed us, and flesh we have not received any these four
days . . . meat here is enough in the island, but the disorder of
the army at the first of our coining hath brought us to these wants '
(* Seventh Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm.' p. 575).
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PREFACE XXXV
Another defect in the provisioning of the expedition of which
Venables repeatedly speaks is the want of brandy. * Our men,' he
writes, * die daily for want of it/ though it was alleged that thei'e
was plenty of it on board the fleet which the naval authorities
refused to let the army share (pp. 48, 49, 59, 67).
Medical stores in general seem to have been deficient, and the
sick and wounded were greatly neglected. Very little is heard of
surgeons or physicians, but probably the army had the usual
establishment of one per regiment, with a couple of assistants or
mates (pp. 11, 32, 63; cf. * Report on the Duke of Portland's
MSS.' ii. 92, 93, 95, 96). The results of this deficiency in surgeons
and medicines were aggravated by the neglect of ordinary sanitary
precautions in the quarters occupied by the army at Jamaica (pp.
142, 143). Lieut.-Col. Barrington gives further details on this
subject in his letter of July 14, 1655. ' The plague is very much
feared here, and doubtless (without God's preventing mercy) will
come in sore amongst us, for the scents are here so noisome that in
some parts of this town a man is not able to walk, and all occa-
sioned by ourselves in letting our men some of them lie above
ground, and others buried so shallow underground that they
already scent through; besides this we offend our quarters very
much by our nastiness and throwing the garbage of our cattle in
inconvenient places, all which doth at present very much annoy us,
being little course taken for preventing the like future incon-
venience' (* Seventh Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm.' p. 574).
To return to the defects in the original equipment of the
expedition. Not only provisions, but arms were wanting. Ven-
ables justly complains of the insufficiency and inferior quality of
the weapons with which the men were armed. Not 1,600 of his
men, he wrote from Barbadoes in February, were well armed : their
arms in general were ' extreme bad ' and most of the arms ' unfixed '
(pp. 6, 12, post). This refers to the firearms, mostly matchlocks,
with which they were equipped.
The commissionera expected to obtain 1,500 additional muskets
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XXXVl THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
«t Barbadoes, bnt they proved difBcalt to get there (pp. 9, 4dj.
This statement is confirmed by (Commissioner Winslow (Thurloe,
iii. 250) ; but eventually the required 1,500 were obtained by
borrowing from the Barbadoes trained bands (ib. iii. 621). 'For
fire arms,' confesses Lieut.-Col. Barrington, * we took them where
we could find them, without giving any satisfaction to the owners '
(* Seventh Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm.' p. 572). A certain number
were also apparently obtained firom the fleet, though not nearly
sufficient (Thurloe, iii. 158). In addition to this the quantity of
powder, shot, and match provided for the expedition was very
insufficient, and little could be obtained either from the fleet or the
island (p. 9, 11, post).
Other arms were equally deficient both in quantity and quality.
Venables had not sufficient pikes to equip the portion of his
regiments requiring them. He attempted, as he states, to obtain
* lances ' from the navy, but Penn would not let him have them,
although they had been put on board for the soldiers as much as
for the sailors (pp. 12, 14). Accordingly he was obliged to set all
the smiths in Barbadoes to work to make half-pikes, of which 2,500
were thus procured. Scoutmaster Birkenhead describes them as
* half-pikes, though at a larger length than ordinary, for they are
ten foot long ; many of them (which may cause your wonder) are
made of cabadge stalks, I mean of the trees in Barbadoes, which
bear cabages, and that for lack of better wood* (Thurloe, iii. 159,
621). These were poor weapons to oppose to the formidable
Spanish lances, so much dwelt upon by the narrators of the
expedition (see pp. 155-8, post). I. S. observes : * The disequality
betwixt the English pikes and Spanish lances was such, that the
one being over long, and top-heavy, could not be managed with
that dexterity and to so good a purpose (especially in narrow ways
and woods, as the lance, which is about three quarters of that
length ' : neither are the English half-pikes of sufficient length
to reach these lances : the Spaniards also (by often use and
• Twelve as against sixteen feet long.
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PREFAOK XXXVIl
practice) become more expert in the use of these weapons than
Englishmen, who (although perhaps old soldiers) never made nse of
pike or lance, except against horses ' (* Harleian Miscellany/ iii. 517).
One more defect there was in the equipment of the English
soldiers, and that the most fatal of all. They had no water-bottles.
Venables does not mention this in his letters from Barbadoes : he
first became wise after the event, * Whoever comes into these parts/
he wrote from Jamaica on May 26, 1655, * must bring leather
bottles, which are more needful here than knapsacks in Ireland.
Therefore pray procure great store of them, or we must never make
further attempt, the Spaniards' defence being overgrown woods and
want of water ' (Carte, * Original Letters,' ii. 50). Leather bottles or
* blackjacks ' were repeatedly demanded by both general and ofiBcers
(pp. 49, 65).
It is clear fcom this that water-bottles were not in those days
part of the ordinary equipment of English soldiers, and indeed I
have never come across any mention of them in army-accounts or
military pamphlets of the period. It is surprising, however, that
neither the committee of merchants appointed to see to the prepara-
tions required for the expedition, nor the colonists and men possess-
ing local knowledge whom Venables consulted with at Barbadoes,
seem to have suggested the necessity of providing some means of
carrying water.
Another defect was the want of tents, which was severely felt
at Hispaniola (pp. 49, 65, 156). Smiths' tools, and tools of all
kinds were also very deficient (12, 49, 63). The stock of clothes
for the soldiers was so insufficient that those provided for the
seamen had to be drawn upon (pp. 49, 57). In short, no worse
prepared and equipped expedition ever left the English shores,
and the consequences of these initial mistakes and negligences
were all aggravated by the mistakes and quarrels of those charged
with its command.
Taking these things into consideration, it is evident that
the defence put forward by Venables in his narrative is in part
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XXXVlll THE NAUKATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
sustained by facts. The difficulties with which he had to struggle
were, through no fault of his own, almost insuperable. On the
ot^er hand, it is evident that he was deficient both in strength of
character and capacity. His ill-health made his task still more
difficult, weakened his faculties, and finally made it impossible for
him to fulfil the duties of his post. For his mistakes at Hispaniola
and other errors he might justly have been called to account, but to
condemn him for leaving Jamaica when he was incapable of further
service was the height of injustice.
The opinions expressed concerning Venables by some of the
different officers engaged in the expedition are worth collecting.
At Barbadoes, according to Scoutmaster-general Birkenhead, he
was ' so justly and temperately discreet and active, so conscion-
ably just and careful to relieve the oppressed, that truly we are
thereby (if possible it could be) in a greater tye of duty to his
Highnes for making such a provision for us in him : for he lays
his shoulders so much to the work in hand that we are sometimes
afraid lest he overturn himself ; for his rest is hardly four hours
most nights' (Thurloe, iii. 159). No want of zeal or industry, it
is evident, could be charged against him. At Hispaniola it is
evident that he showed plenty of personal courage in the fighting,
though Whistler asserts the contrary (pp. 29, 31, 131, 154, 159).
The first letter of Penn and the commissioners after the defeat
praises ^ the worth of our General,' and describes him as seeking
' by all means to stop the base flight of our men ' (p. 31). Captain
How is still more emphatic in commendation of the 'godly,
valiant, discreet general ' (p. 46), and Commissary Daniel terms
him * wise,' * prudent,' * noble,' and unwearied ' (Thurloe, iiL 506-7).
On the other hand, Holdipp, while bearing evidence in favour
of Venables on two points of detail, is silent on other questions
(p. 22), and Doyley plainly condemned his generalship (p. 28).
Barrington, Buller's lieutenant-colonel, who was no doubt express-
ing his colonel's views as well as his own, emphatically condemns
Venables as a leader throughout his narrative (' Seventh Rep. Hist.
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PREFACE XXXIX
MSS. Comm. p. 571). It was not only that be made mistakes in
the conduct of the expedition, but that he hardly ever consulted
his officers as to the conduct of his operations. * There is much
discontent/ he writes from Jamaica on July 14, 1655, 'betwixt
our General and Colonell Buller, CoUonel Carter, and Collonel
Doyley (by them justly taken) occasioned by his irregular acting;
they have not so much power here as his Highness allowed the
captaines (under his conduct) both in England, Scotland, and
Ireland, neither hath he summoned them twice (since our arrival
here) to consult about the safe disposal! of this your poor army for
the future,' nay, that which is worst of all, he acteth as his will
leadeth him, notwithstanding the vote of the councill ' (Thurloe,
iii. 646).
The discord which sprang up between Yenables and his officers,
* Two important councils of officers are recorded dnring the time the army was
at Hispaniola. One was held to discuss where, and in what order, the army
should land. The votes are printed on p. 18 (cf. Thurloe, iii. 75$>. The other
took place before the second attack on the city of San Domingo. * At a councell
of field officers it was put to the voate which way the armey should march ; and it
was pressed hard by the Generall and Fortesque to march intirely with the armey
by the forte Geronemoe ; but the Major-Generall of happye memorye, colonel
Buller, and myselfe, with lefteneant-collonel Clarke were for dividing the armey,
and marching to the north-west of the citty ; but the Oenerall was so vialent for
the contrary, that himselfe, Fortesque, Doyley, with Holdept, and some others,
overvoted us' (Thurloe, iii. 755). A similar statement is made by Lieut.-Col-
Barrington : * It was the desire of our renowned late Major-General Heane, with
most of the colonels that our general divide his army into two bodies, the one to
march the direct way to the city, and the other to fetch a compass and fall upon it
on the east side, which would have been of great advantage to the army, and dis-
advantageous to the enemy * {Seventh Hep. Hist. MSS. Comm. p. 573). According to
the author of the Rawlinson narrative the north of the town was defended only by
a hedge, so that this plan might have proved successful (p. 135). A council was
held just after landing at Jamaica, in which it was resolved to advance and occupy
the capital, St. lago de la Vega, that night. Yenables, however, countermanded
the orders agreed upon in council, and delayed the march till next day, thus
giving the Spaniards time to carry off their goods and escape to the mountains.
This is the case Buller refers to in proof of his statement (Thurloe, iii. 646 ; Seventh
Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm. p. 573). Notes of councils held in Jamaica are printed
on pp. 62, 123.
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xl THfi NARRATIVE OK GENERAL VENABLES
whatever its cause may have been, is also attested by his own
narrative. In one passage he speaks of factions in the army, and
attributes their existence to Major General Heane, who was
disappointed in his hopes of obtaining the command in chief
(p. 79). In another he speaks of Bailer and his officers as heading
the discontented party, and demanding the calling of a council of
war ' to debate what was fit for the army to do ' (pp. 60-62). It is
pretty clear that this discontent was general and that Colonel
BuUer was sent to England to represent the views of the opposition
as well as the necessities of the army (p. 63).
One other criticism on the conduct of Yenables deserves a
' passing notice. The fact that he took his wife with him excited
much hostile comment in the army. He was charged with seeking
her society when he ought to have been looking after his army,
and it was also said that she exercised undue influence with him
(pp. 156, 168).
Later critics took up the same tale. ^ He is unfit to be pcUer
patriae,' wrote Edmund Hickeringill, * that is not Domi domintis,
nor to ride admiral of a fleet that cannot carry the flag at home
but is forced to lower his topsail to a petticoat ' (* Jamaica viewed,'
1661, p. 67). When Venables, during the examination into his
conduct which took place after his return, was asked why he took
his wife with him, he answered that the object of the expedition
was to settle, not merely to conquer, and also that soldiers' wives
were valuable as nurses (p. 102). This lady was the second wife
of General Venables, Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel Aldersey, and
widow of Thomas Lee of Darnhall. Their marriage took place in
May 1654. Mrs. Venables was the author of an autobiography,
which is printed in the fourth volume of the * Chetham Miscellany.'
Unfortunately it ends with her second marriage and contains no
account of the expedition to the West Indies. At the close she
refers briefly to its ill success. * We were posted out of Ireland and
by a very unjust power, and as unfaithfully was my dear hus-
band dealt withall. Nothing of their promises performed. They
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PREFACE xll
pretended the honour of God and the propagating of the Gospel.
But ala9 ! their intention was self honour and riches . . . and so
the design prospered according to their hypocrisy.' * Though the
heart of Mr. Venables I dare say. was right, that the glory of God
was his aim, yet the success was very ill, for the work of God was
not like to be done by the Devils instruments. A wicked army
it was, and sent out without arms or provision. Our time of going,
and great sufferings, with the acknowledgements of God's great
kindness, is expressed in another paper.' ^
In conclusion it remains to call attention to three papers in
Appendix F. The first is a Spanish proclamation written in very
imperfect English, found at Tortaga, which illustrates the way in
which the Spaniards, while not colonising themselves, prevented
French, Dutch, or English from settling on unoccupied islands (p.
1 70). The other two are letters from the Protector to General Monck
and Calonel Brayne concerning the reinforcements sent to Jamaica
from Scotland under Bmyne's command in 1656 (pp. 171-73).
C. H. Firth.
* The paper referred to seeniB to have been a narraii?e of the personal experi-
ences of Mrs. Venables and her husband, not the vindication of General Venables
mentioned previonsly as in the possession of Mr. Lee Townshend.
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THE
NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
A NARRATIVE BY GENERAL VENABLES OP HIS EXPEDITION TO
THE ISLAND OF JAMAICA AND THE CONQUEST THEREOF
UNDER THE PROTECTORSHIP OF OLIVER CROMWELL.
It being the usual course of such persons whose Pikes prove too
short to make use of their Pens to Supply that defect, and by that
means endeavour to clear themselves from envy and reproach
4heir disasters might draw upon them, which [are] ordinarily
measured to them with a large hand, I should have wav'd anything
in this nature and wholly cast my reputation in the managing
of this Western design upon the Opinion of those that have
formerly been acquainted both with my person and former Services.
But there being so many thousands who never knew me nor them
I find myself necessitated to publish to the World a true Narrative
of the Design, lest otherwise (If I be silent) some envious persons
should take Liberty to censure me as their own misguided fancies
and humour or the Slanderous reports of envious Tongues shall
dictate to them.
The sad and never sufficiently to be lamented differences which
have for some few Years past fallen out in these Nations, and being
so general that almost every Man was in Action or affection
engag'd in them upon one part or other, among others my self
(as conscience and judgment guided me) adhered to the Parlia-
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2 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
ment, apon sach Grounds, Reasons, and Engagements as were held
forth by them (tho' fruitless of my hopes in the end), which cause
I promoted to my utmost Ability against all discouragements, and
to enable me the better I sold a Tenement of about Forty Pounds
a Year, with the Money to raise Arms and maintain a company
of Foot in that service, which I did, and serv'd with the same in
Lancashire without any Pay. My service in England I shall not
mention but leave to others to speak of, both in Lancashire and
Cheshire, Yorkshire, Sallop, and North Wales, in the Seige of
Nantwich, Fight at Leebridge, Christleton, and Montgomery,
besides other Services of less importance. The War in England
being ended I was engaged in the Irish Service and landed at
Dublin (it being besieged) first of any Regiment,* in such a time
when they dispair'd of any relief, and the Soldiers running away
to the Enemy by hundreds, so that they were almost come to a
Necessity to treat of a surrender, thereby to save something, all
otherwise being certainly Lost. My arrival put a stop to this, and
put life into the Soldiers, who out of meer dispair of relief revolted.
After the taking of Droheda (other Ofiicers refusing the employ-
ment) I was sent into Ulster with a thousand five hundred Horse
and Foot only, there being in that Province above so many
Regiments as I had hundreds to oppose me, where how the Lord
prospered me is publicly known. So that before I had Received
Two Thousand Pounds from the State to carry on that Service, the
Lord had given into the Parliaments hands whatever the Scots
had in possession, and for surrender of which the Parliament did
by their commissioners offer to the Scots One hundred and fifty
Thousand Pounds ; and as one of the commissioners. Sir Robert
King, told me, they had commission to give Two Hundred
Thousand Pounds if it would be accepted. In Carlingffort, Newry,
Belfast, Lysnegarive, Antrim, Toome, and Carrickfurgus, were above
Eighty Pieces of Ordnance, and near half of them Brass, Eighty
Barrels of Powder with Match and Ball Proportionable, with about
» 22 July 1649. See Gary, Memorials of the Civil War, ii. 159.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Two hundred Arms, for all which Service I never received further
reward than a Letter of thanks for the same from the Council of
State. After I had been continued in Ireland almost five Years
and never seen home, the Irish War being ended, the Rt. Honble.
the Lord Broughill and myself were, at a General Council of the
Officers, voted to attend his Highness with some Addresses from
the Army in order to the settling and Planting of Ireland.*
Which business being almost perfected it was his Highness
pleasure to acquaint me that he intended some other Imployment
for me. I desired to know it; after some time the design was
imparted to me and the Justice of it, which I desir'd to be Clear'd
to me before I accepted of it, in which perticular being satisfied
by this Dilemma, That either there was Peace with the Spaniards
in the West Indies, or not. If Peace, they had Violated it, and
to seek reparation was Just. If we had no Peace, then was there
nothing acted against Articles with Spain. After this I desir'd
his Highness to grant me some requests before I could accept of
this Imployment. His Highness commanded me to draw them
up in Writing, and to deliver them to Mr. Secretary Thurloe, who
should give me an Answer to them, which accordingly I did.
These being granted I proceeded to propound Land in Ireland
for My Arrears due for my Service there,^ and some inlisting
of Officers was now Acting, when suddenly all the business was at a
stand, and all further proceedings in it to be wav'd. So that I
thought all had been ended, and betook me again to my own affairs.
After some five Months Silence I was suddenly again call'd upon
to undertake the Imployment. I answered I could not in conscience
engage unless my Proposals were granted, nor leave my children
without any Care of them, except I should fall under the Apostles
censure, * He that provided not for them of his Family hath
denied the Faith, and is worse than an Infidel.'
I desired to know the Grounds and Reasons of the design that
* The version of this narrative in the possession of Mr. Lec-Townshend begins
with this visit to England. 2 ggg Qal. State Paj[>ers, Dom, 1654, p. 357.
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4 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
I might the better understand the State of those parts. I desired
Arms, Ammunition, and all other necessaries by a perticular under
my hand, suitable to the design and the distance of the placre,
Supplies not being to be had Suddenly, and therefore must carry
the more with us, lest when we come to work we should be forc'd
to stand still through want of necessaries to carry on the Service. I
further mov'd that my Friends should not be made more formidable
to me than my enemies, by bounding and streightning me with
Commissions and Instructions, which at that distance could seiTe
but as fetters (Contingencies not being possible to be foreseen), and
I by them discouraged and put into doubts when I should need the
greatest encouragements without fear to engage against all haz-
zards, which by Instructions might be double to what the Enemy
could make them. I had a satisfactory answer to all, but bow
performed shall be afterwards declared. Whilst these things were
in transaction there were some discontents in the Fleet, and Com-
plaints were said to be against the unsoundness of the Provisions,
about which, I being spoken unto by the Officers that the care of
the Food belonged to me, I desir'd the person that informed me to
acquaint Gen*. Desbrow with it, which he did, and Gen*. Desbrow
was so incenc'd against me that he publickly fell out with me, and
told me I sought to hinder the design, and raised an untrue report.
I reply 'd I did not, and that I had only sent the information
privately to acquaint him with these things, (in regard he had the
care of the Fleet to see it well furnished with all things,) and that
I had the information from coil. Buller, and had not spoke of it to
any save the commissioners, and therefore could not be guilty of
any miscarriage to the prejudice of the design, being I medled not
in any report, but will'd Buller to inform him of what he had told
me, and therefore did wonder why he should thus publickly repre-
hend me, to no end save to make a Breach between the Land and
Seamen. He Answered he had for twelve Years seen transactions
of Affairs, and had an End wherefore he spoke it. I reply 'd the
End he aimed at I knew not, but was certain his Language would
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 5
produce no good to the design but hurt. I afterwards enquiring
of a friend the reason of his passion [was told], no information
against the Victuallers of the Navy would be heard with any
other acceptance. I asked the reason of that : it was answered,
Tho' Gen^ Desbrow was no Victualler, yet it was believed
upon very strong presumptions he had a share in the profit
of the place, and therefore would receive no complaint against
the Victuallers of the Navy but with reproach and passion
against the informer, his own Interest (tho* private and not
generally known) engageing him in their behalf, it being his own
concern as well as theirs.^ After this my self and Officers made
several proposals to the Lords of the (Council for the advantageous
carrying on of the service intended (as we conceived), wherein we
were so modest in matters of our own concernments that never
men did undertake so hard and desperate a work upon so mean and
low conditions, to let the World know it was the Promotion of the
Gospel and the Service of our country we chiefly did propound to
ourselves. But after four Months attendance and expence of our
Money we had not any positive answer whether the design would
go on or no, and yet the design Vulgarly discovered,^ whereby the
Enemy had timely warning to provide, which we find they did
with much circumspection and prudence.
After about Five Months time I was commanded to be ready to
go with so much haste, having wholly laid all Conceipt of the
design aside, that I was so surprised with confusion in my thoughts,
that I had scarce time to know in what condition the state of
things were before our Men were drawn out. I desir'd we might
only have such as freely offered themselves, which was promised
us. Yet the Officers generally gave us the most abject of their
Companies, and if any man offered himself he was struck, or
otherwise punished. And one thing I cannot omit, that those men
' This passage is quoted by Long in his History of Jamaica^ i. 616.
* ' ThoDgh it was become so publick as to be the sole jest of common discourse *
is added in the Lee-Townshend MS.
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6 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL \'ENABLES
we had were taken up purposely to spare their old Blades, and
among those thus entertained were diverse Papists, in perticular
Sixteen, and four of them Irish, and one a Priest, were put upon us
out of the Tower Regiment : many more were found since, though
all we could discover were cashiered at Barbadoes. And though
it was earnestly mov'd by me that we might have the men raised
out of the Irish Army, seasoned with hardship and danger, it was
utterly rejecteJ. Besides the Men thus given wanted Five Hun-
dred of the Number designed, and almost half their arms defective
and altogether unserviceable ; which being related to the Council
we were not permitted to stay for arms, much less (which I
earnestly pressed) to exercise the Men and try what they were ; but
the Officers and myself were threatened to be imprisoned if they
stay'd in the City till next day, whereby some were constrained to
leave their necessaries behind them, which they could never procure
to be brought to them all, being denied carriages which are allowed
all other Officers in the three Nations. I then mov'd that we
might have a General Muster, that I might see the Officers and
Soldiers together the better to judge of their fitness and abilitie,
and was promised it should be at Portsmouth ; but before I could
come thither some were ship'd and sent away, and all were
reproached for not Shipping faster than Wind and Tide and Boats
would serve us.^ And when I earnestly mov'd to have our Store
Ships with us, I was promised they should meet us at Portsmouth,
and then was told they would be with us before we left Barbadoes.
In all my desires and proposals I was constantly answered with
Scofis or bad language by some, as moving for Targets, the
country being woody (the want of which we found to our Grief),
we had a jest told us, and then a deniall. Instead of Ministers to
the Six Regiments I press'd for, being the design was alledg'd to
be for the propagation of the Gospel, [the like] Number of black
coats were offered. I complaining of Prophane Persons put upon
me, it was answered, if they offended to cashier them, contrary to
> Compare Thurloe, iii. 11 ; and 7th Bcp. Hist. MSS. Comvu ^, 671.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 7
the old adage Turpins ejicitur &c. All these things might have
discouraged me from going, had not my affections to the service of
my country transported me beyond my Reason and all the
persuasions of my Friends, I leaving a considerable Imployment at
home as well as estate, so that necessity did not force me upon the
Service. I was promised Ten Months Provisions for Ten Thousand
Men, but instead of having it put aboard with me it was sent to
London to the Store Ships for want of room, and yet the Officers
of the Navy took in commodities to Trade withal at Barbadoes.
When we came to Barbadoes, being the Twenty ninth of January,
we fell the next day to pursue our business and Instructions, but
found things so contrary to expectation and Promise that my self
writ the following letter to the Protector.
* May it please your Highness,
The good hand of God going along with us at Sea preserving
us from Tempests and diseases (not twenty that I can hear of dying
in all the Fleet)J The difficulties and wants we have met with in
this place are fully expressed by the commissioners that I should
but trouble your Highness with mentioning of them. It may be
your Highness thinks we have spent too much time, and so do I.
But when our wants are recounted, and the difficulties, or rather
impossibilities to supply ourselves here considered, it will appear
to such as know this Island we have not been slow ; neither will it
be imputed as a fault to us I hope, considering our Stores and
other necessaries are all behind, which pleads the more for us, and
manifests our Obedience to your Highness's Commands. Yet
nothing can discourage save what does wholly disable us to
prosecute the same, which I hope will appear by our subsequent
Actings. Our supplies and recruits I am confident need not be
press'd upon your Highness, they being so necessary and the work
so serviceable to your Highness, that I shall give you no other
diversion save conclude my self &c.' '
^ Compare 7ih Rep. Hist, MSS, Comm, p. 571.
* In Povey'8 version this letter is dated Feb. 28. /
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8 THE JJARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
A Letter sent the Lord President Lamrence^ Lord Lamhe^i and
several others of the Council of State,^
* After a most Merciful and good liand of God towards us at
Sea, the twentyninth last we came to Anchor at Carlisle Bay.
The next day we landed and fell about our work : but presently of
our selves, and by friends privately, were assured (which we find
true) that all the Inhabitants were against our design, as destruc-
tive to them, and that they would not really and cordially assist
us. All the promises made to us in England of Men, Provisions,
and Arms, we find to be but Promises, and do not know that we
have rais'd One thousand Five Hundred Men, and not Arms for
Three Hundred of them.^ Mr. Neals ^ 1,500 Arms are dwindled to
One Hundred and Ninety. We did not doubt but my Lord and
his council had proceeded and grounded their Resolves upon
greater certainties than we yet discern by any one particular of
all that was taken as most certain, the confidence of which did
cause us with great assurance to rest satisfied with what was
promised us we should find here. Only the country has rais'd us
Sixty Horse in a Troop. We cannot expect to be [relieved] from
hence with Provisions, they buying all their own ; and had we not
found some sent here by the Victuallers of the Navy, I know not
how we should [have] subsisted when gone hence. We have seiz'd
some Dutch Vessels which we found here, which refuse to give us
any Invoyces or Bills of Lading, they having almost Sold all their
Goods and Landed them before we came, and the Inhabitants will
not discover to whom they were Sold. Only since we came a
Dutch Man came in with 244 Negroes, whom we have sold for
about Five Thousand One Hundred and Sixty Two Pounds, and
another Vessel with some Asses about d£2,200, (twenty three not
yet Sold,) * which will much exceed all other Seizures. But what-
* A similar letter to Montagu, but with many verbal variations, is printed in
Carte's Original Letters^ ii. 46.
« • I do not know that we have raised 3000 and not arms for 1300 of thom/ Carte.
« ' Mr. Noel's,' Carte. * • With some asses, about 22 or 23 not yet sold/ Carte.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENaBLES 9
ever is not to be gotten here, must be sent from England, or we
mast perish. We desir'd our Mens Arms might be chang'd, being
extream bad, and two fifths not to be made serviceable here. Of
Three Thousand Men designed we brought but Two Thousand Five
Hundred ; of those not One Thousand Six Hundred well Armed.
So that, our Stores not coming as Promised, we are making half
Pikes here to Arm the rest and those we raise ; for we have not
hopes at any rate to procure One Thousand Six Hundred Fire
Arms. If Bread and Meal be not constantly sent us from England
we must want it. For Cassava after its planted (and we cannot
plant it till June at soonest) it will [not] be fit to Eat of [in] one
Year.' Its agreed upon by all those persons that know America,
the English Powder will not keep above Nine Months, and at that
time we must recieve constant Supplies. French and Spanish
Powder will keep many Years. Therefore I earnestly desire Salt
Petre and all other Materials, Men ' to make Powder may be sent
to us: for the Ingredients will keep uncompounded very well.
We have met with all the obstructions that Men in this place can
cast in our way ; And now we have time to draw our Men together
we find not half of them Armed, Nay, in some Regiments not
above Two Hundred Arms;' the most unfit Arms^ and unfit Men
generally given us, and here we are forc'd to make half Pikes to
arm them ; which hath lost us so much time and will hazard our
Ruin. Had we been Arm'd in England, doubtless we had been at
work before this. I have just now Reciev*d an Accompt from
Generall Penn of what Arms the Ships can accommodate us with ;
which as you may see by the Enclosed particular, will not amount
to in Shot above Fifteen Shot a Man, a most inconsiderable pro-
portion to have hunted Tories with in Ireland, where we might
have supplies every day, much more to attempt one of the greatest
Princes in the World within his most beloved Country, where
Supplies cannot be had above twice a Year ; and this Island upon
* * Not be fit .to eat of in a year,* Carte. ' ' A Mill and Men,* Carte.
* ' Not above 200 are,' Carte. * * The most having unfixt arms,' Carte.
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10 THE NARRAtlVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Trial will not fitt ns with so much. A sad matter that we must
attempt so high with little or nothing, or return and do nothing,
which some of us could more cheerfully hear the news of death
than be guilty of. I have given the best account I am able. The
commissioners, I believe, will be more large to his Highness.
Pray let not the old Proverb be verified in us, " Out of sight, out
of mind." If so you will quickly hear we are not in this
World &c.'i
Barbadoes Feb''.
The Substance also of this Letter with some perticular Instruc-
tions was written to Mr. William Row and Martin Nowell, who
were Agents for me and the Army at London.
The first business we fell upon at Barbadoes was the Seizing of
all Dutch Vessels according to his Highness Instructions. General
Penn put his own Nephew, one Mr. Pool, to take the Invoyces
and Bills of Lading. Mr. Winslow and my self urg'd that he
should not act but by commission from us, and that we would put
a cheque upon him ; he told us he had power of himself to com-
mission him, refused ours, and would not admit of a cheque, nor
suffer us to see Original Invoyces; only one I saw which was
convey'd away immediately, and the number of Elephants Teeth
in it, which I remember exactly to be one Hundred and Ninety
one, were in the Copy of it made but a hundred and Fifty. I
urg'd the falshood of the Copy, and desir'd the Original : at last
they brought in a hundred eighty and one, and urg'd the other
Ten were my mistake, but I had taken the number into my
memorial, and could not mistake it. However this one Act (if the
rest of the Invoyces, as I have ground to believe, were curtailed
accordingly,) will shew the Seamens proceedings. Mr. Winslow
and myself considered how to remedy this, but finding the Seamen
our Enemies, and at least to scorn us and adhere to their General,
> In Cartels version this letter is dated Feb. 28, 1655 ; Povey^s date is Feb. 20.
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THK NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 11
and Coll. Searl to comply with him, we were constrained to be
Patient per force, and commit the thing to private remembrance
when time servd to vindicate ourselves ; and Mr. Winsloe said he
would certifie Secretary Thurloe of it, which I believe he did.
' At a Council of Warr held at the Indian Bridge Town in the
Barbadoes, March 18th, 1654, to consider of the wants of the
Army.
General Venables.
Major General Hanes. Coll. Morris.
Coll. Fortescue. Coll. Carter.
Coll. BuUer. Coll. Doyly.
Resolv'd :
That it be proposed to General Penn and his OflScers, that as
the land forces do promise never to desert the Fleet, that General
Penn and his Officers mutually engage with the Land forces not to
leave them until their Supplies come, which if they should
miscarry, then to transport them back to England.
That it be proposed to the commissioners that a large proportion
of Shipping be provided to transport the Army, lest by pestering
the Ships infectious diseases should consume the Forces, and so
endanger if not overthrow the design.
That Soldiers Wives (who offer to carry their own Provisions)
may be transported to take care of sick and wounded men.
That old Linnen be provided for the Chyrageons. That we do
not march hence under at least twenty Tunn of Ball. That we
have Ten Tunn of Match before we march hence*
That before we part hence we have from the Fleet, Two
thousand Fire Arms, Six hundred Pikes, besides Pistol^, Carbines,
and Two Hundred half Pikes, and that they be presently set on
shore.'
We desired at the same time copies of the Invoyces. After
long delay otie was delivered, and Immediately by Pool Borrowed
from Mr Cary, and would never be redelivered till the Day we left
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12 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Barbadoes. [We] were forced to leave it with the commissioners
for Prize Office there. But of this more hereafter, with Gary his
Testimony concerning the same.
Oar Stores not coming I sent to General Penn to know what
Arms, Shot, and Match, he could spare (for General Desbrow had
assured me and the Officers in England, that what was in the
Fleet was and should be for the carrying on the Service, and at the
commissioners disposal, and that there was enough to serve both
us and the Fleet for some good time) : he returned me an Account
of Fifteen Shot a Man was all he could spare of his Ball, [and] a few
Tuns of Match. But though he had many hundred of Pikes in the
Fleet to spare, and Lances to kill cows (which were for our use as
well as the Fleets), yet we could not get one Pike or Lance, only
some few half and quarter Pikes. Wherefore I was necessitated to
set all hands to work to make half Pikes (the Timber of that
country not being fit for long ones), which yet were so bad that I
suppose Tom Tinker or Tom a Bedlam in England marches with
better Weapons.
Upon our arrival there I found all Mens arms unfixed ; our
Gun Smiths tools were in the Store Ships and were denied to be
sent with us, so that our want of Smiths Tools and making of
half Pikes hindred us from fixing our Arms,^ and the officers from
exercising their Men, except a very little before we came from
thence. We were ordered to take up Provisions there, and charge
Bills of Exchange at home, but I suppose it was known to others,
though not to me, That no Provisions were to be gotten there, for
so I found by experience, and the rates much higher than what
they were in England for what I bought myself. So that these
with some other reasons caus'd Mr. Winslow, one of the
Commissioners, to say to diverse of the Officers that we were
*1Setray'd, and that if it had been in the late Kings Reign he would
have declared so. Notwithstanding all these difficulties I
continued forward and cheerful, until such time I heard the
* • Having our arms in readiness,* Lee-Townshend MS.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 13
Seamen speak of going home, which raised some doubts among the
Officers that they intended to leave us (which was promised in
England they should not until another fleet came), and then we
saw we must perish. Another fell in the rear of this ^ was, that
upon coming from Barbadoes the Seamen had their allowance,
and our Landmen were reduced to half (by what order I know
not), and that given them but four days in the week, and the other
three fish ^ Days the Seamen had their Victuals with Brandy and
the Landmen had only Bread (and that most beastly rotten), and
Water. Which brought them so low that at landing they fell
down and some of them into the Water, as the Rear Admiral
observed ; and the Vice Admiral marching along with us with a
Regiment of Seamen, seeing our Mens weakness said, that the
fortnights weakening at Sea with bad Provisions would not be
recovered with two Months good diet at Land. And though the
Officers complained of their bad Bread, it was answered, the
Bread was bought by the Commissioners at Barbadoes, and must
be spent, which it might have been without prejudice if delivered
out for one day in a Week to all Seamen and Landmen.* And
here I must Query, whether the bad Bread in the Fleet was not
given the Landmen upon this pretence ? It is true the Provisions
were bad, so that they were refused by the Fleet in England, and
therefore sent by the Victuallers of the Navy to Barbadoes to be
Sold ; which we were forced to buy rather than starve, being our
own Stores came not to us, preferring bad food before none.
We left Barbadoes the last of March, and by the way
dispatch'd some business at St. Christopher's, where we took in a
Regiment of Foot, and then when we came from St. Christophers we
mustred on board, and finding great want of Arms, we once more
desired a supply from the Fleet, (who had above a Thousand two
hundred Pikes to spare, and a large quantity of lances), but were
* * Another grand trouble and discouragement was,* Lee-Townshend MS.
« * Fast-Days,' Lee-Townshend MS.
' * Seamen and landsmen alike,* Lee Townshend MS.
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IJ. THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VE^^ABLES
refused by General Penn the loan of one Pike or Lance (tho the
Lances were put on board for the Army to kill cows). So that we
were constrain'd to use half Pikes shorter by two foot than the
enemy's, which gave them great advantage against us. Our next
business (which lasted long and was interwoven with other debates)
was a clause in the commissioners Instructions from his Highness,
that they should dispose of all Preys and Booties got by Sea or
Land towards the carrying on of the present Service and design ;
which when it came into agitation I told the commissioners, I
Conceived it was to be understood of ships and their Lading, or of
large quantities of Treasure or goods in Towns or Ports. For if, as
they understood, it were to be intended of all sorts of Pillage, it was
not possible to be put in Execution, besides I did fear it would disgust
the Army, and turn them against me ; And if I lost the Officers affec-
tions I conceived it would utterly disable me to serve his Highness ;
For this was so contraiy to what had been practis'd in England, as
I doubted it would be impossible to satisfy them ; and how to
bring them from Pay and Plunder both (which they had in England) to
have neither Pay nor Plunder, without the providing of some fit
medium I thought was impossible. The thing was imparted to
the Officers, and a fortnight's Pay propounded to them in Lieu of
their Pillage of Sancto Domingo. The Officers being in Arrears,
and many of them coming in hopes of Pillage into a country
where they conceiv'd Gold as plentiful as Stones, demanded
three Months. I with entreaty drew them to accept of Six weeks
Pay, and in this time of dispute I drew up a declaration that
did satisfy the Officers, and the Commissioners did so far
approve of it as that they gave order to have it drawn fair, for each
Regiment one, that they might subscribe it. The order follows.
* By the Commissioners appointed by his Highness for managing
the Afiairs of America with the consent of the Officers — Whereas
it hath been the Practice of the ablest Commanders and best ordered
Armies that ever hath been, not only to make Strict Laws but
Execute the same with like strict severity upon such Officers and
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 15
Soldiers as should Pillage or Plunder without Licence, or conceal
what they had so Pillaged and not bring it to the publick Store or
Stock, in regard many Armies have been thereby ruin'd and
destroyed, when they have had the Victory in possession, yet by
that only fault have given the Enemy Opportunity to wrest the
same out of their hands, as the French at Gariglian^ and the
Venetians at Tacobut. Also because the Men that usually
performed the Service of the day lye Slain, Wounded, or have the
Enemy still before them, so that without iminent ruin they cannot
seek after Spoil, but persons whose deserts merited little or nothing
in the Service of the day carry away the profit of the whole success,
to the singular discouragement of brave resolutions who usually
get nothing but blows. The injustice of which caused David to
make it a Military Law (1st Sam. xxx. 24), to give equal share to
every person of the Army though not present in the Action, And
though the equity of the thing carry enough with it to justifie the
proceedings of Antiquity against so great an Evil, the disorder
being of so dangerous a consequence, and contrary to Reason and
Religion that a few persons (who are usually the least deserving)
should carry away the whole reward of the Victory and success
purchased by the Blood and hazard of all.
Wherefore it is his Highness special command to us that we
should rectifie so great a disorder, crept so far into Modem Armies,
and that a just accompt be taken of the Pillage and the booties,
to the end that an equal distribution may be made thereof to all
Persons, (according to his Highness Instructions) according to
every Mans quality and Merit. It is therefore hereby order'd. That
no Persons of what degree or quality soever do presume to Pillage
without Licence, or to conceal, detain, or keep to his own private
use or profit, any Arms, Money, Plate, Jewels, or Goods whatsoever,
upon pain of forfeiture of his Interest in the whole Pay or Pillage,
and likewise to sufier the Pain of Death for the said Ofience.
And it is hereby further order'd and declared, that Officers shall be
* i.e, Garigliano, a.d. 1503.
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16 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
chosen by mutual consent, and Sworn to receive and dispose of all
Pillage and Booties, according to every mans place, quality, and
desert ; And the said Officers shall take an Oath to E!cecute the said
place justly and truly ; And the distribution shall be made by the
advice of persons chosen by the Officers and Soldiers according to
each Mans quality and Merit. Given under our hands this ^ day of
Robert* Venables.
William Penn/
But when all things were made ready the commissioners
(General Penn and my self excepted) refus'd to sign the order,
which gave the Officers great Offence, who to satisfie the commis-
sioners had several of them agreed to sign the ensuing declaration,
in case the commissioners would have signed the foregoing order.
* Whereas we have Received an order from his Highness com-
missioners for managing the Affairs of America, declaring his
Highness instructions to them, and thereby requiring an Exact
accompt from them of all Prizes and Booties taken by Sea or Land,
that so every Officer and Soldier may receive an equal share
according to their several qualities, places, and deserts, and for the
carrying on of the publick Service ; and being [satisfied] by the
Reasons alledg'd in the same of the injustice, dangerous inconveni-
enciesj and unreasonableness, of that too frequent and unreformed
disorder that a few (and those usually that perform least of the
Service) should engross to themselves what is purchased by the
Blood and hazard of all -the forces. We do wholly approve of the
order; and also engage for our selves that we will not Violate
the same, but endeavour to cause all under our several Charges
and Commands to give Obedience to the said Command, and to
bring all Offenders against the said Law and order to Punishment,
and shall (after our respective pay is discharged) acquiesce in
the disposing and issuing forth of the remainder by the said
* Dated April 11, 1655 in Mr. Lee-Townshend's MS., and also in Povey's version.
' In this MS. wrongly given ' Bichard.'
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 17
Commissioners, either as rewards to deserving Persons, or for
necessaries to carry on the Service, and if necessity require to
lend our Pay to provide the said necessaries, as the Commissioners
shall appoint, and (if the Lord shall bless ns with so high success)
in returning the overplus to ease the burthens of our dear Native
Country, for whose sake, next to the Glory of God, this design is
undertaken.'
So that had not pertinac[it]y and weakness blinded the Com-
missioners they had got the disposal of all into their own hands,
only by Yielding so far as to give discontented persons (whom by
force they could not compel) a few fair words, which 1 suppose no
wise Man would have refused when so much inconvenience must
follow the denial.
But myself, being as well a Commissioner as a Soldier, was
put to a great streight, I being wholly a stranger to the Army,
which occasion'd me to tell Mr. Winslow that it would cause
the Army to disgust me, and so make me incapable of doing any
Service, having lost the hearts of the Officers. For several of
them charg'd me with neglect to them in sideing with the Com-
missioners to take away their Priviledge ; for they were wont to
have Pillage when they took any place by storm in England, and
so had both pay and Pillage ; and now being in a strange country,
where they had no Pay, to be denied Pillage much exasperated
their Spirits, having no confidence in me. For I had neither
Officer nor Soldiers that had experienced my faithfulness to them,
but they were all strangers to me, and I to them. I was
necessitated to entreat the Officers to trust me, assuring them I
would endeavour their advantage, and that for my own perticular
I should disclaim anything of right or advantage, and wholly
endeavour theirs, and so entreated them to Accept of Six Weeks
Pay from the Commissioners, if God should give them the Place,
which they consented to at my request. I mov*d the Com-
missioners to join with me to assure it to the Soldiers, but it was
denied me, and then I was forc'd to make a new request to the
c
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18 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Soldiers : that they would venture their Lives as I should do mine
and trust God for the reward ; which they assented to, but withal
many of them declared that they would never strike stroke more
where should be Commissioners to controul the Soldiers, but
would return for England with speed. And thus the business
about dividing the Bears skin before kill'd was laid aside, and let
sleep for a time ; but it will wake much more fierce than formerly,
for if it were dissatisfaction at first, it will prove mutiny when
ripe. In conclusion myself and Officers, with some of the Ck>m-
missioners, propounded and insisted upon it to run the Fleet into
the Harbour' of Domingo; yet the Fleet oppos'd, and would not,
pretending a boom (which though Cox our guide who but a little
before came thence deny'd) so that their denial and refusal con-
strained us upon a Resolution to Land at the River Hine, and
hearing there was a Fort and a Trench we Voted to try to force
them, and to that end passed the Votes following : —
*AtaCouncil of Warr held on board the Swiftsurethe7of April,*
1655, where myself and the Colls, of the several Regiments were
present : —
Resolv'd —
That the Army land at the River Hine.
That the Regiments cast lots who shall land first.
That two or three be landed at once.
That the seconds to each Regiment be appointed.
That the Ships in which each Regiment is transported be
ordered to Sail very near in company, for the better ordering the
several Regiments at landing.
That it be ordered what Boats shall take the Soldiers in,
according as lot and command shall require.
By myself and the Field Officers of the Army on board the
Swiftsure, April 10th, 1655,
Resolv'd —
' Should be April 10.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 19
That in case the Surge of the Sea go high, and the Fort and
Trench be defended, that the Army land to the Leward behind the
second point.
Resolv'd—
That after the Army is landed a Regiment be ordered to the
East of the City, provided General Penn engage to supply them
with all necessaries.
The Regiment is Coll. BuUers by Lot.
Instructions to the several Colls, about Landing in pursuance
of the foregoing votes.
1. That the Regiments which land first at the River Hine (if
we land there), and that the ditch at the landing be defended
and within Shot (or if not defended), then they are to advance
against the Enemy, and to pass the same, but if it be out of Shot
and not defended, then to stand still till all be landed ; but if at
the more Westerly, then to draw up and stand till all be landed.
2. In case we find no Opposition, then none to march away,
but all in Seyniority as their due.
3. The signal a piece of white Cloth or Paper upon the left
Arm.
4. That the word be Religion.
5. In case the Enemy Oppose, each Man is at Landing to
advance to relieve where there is most necessity.'
These things thus ordered Mr. Winslow came and told me
that General Penn had sent Cox forth, and that he seeing a
Vessel bearing away from the rest of the Fleet, ask'd who it was,
and what he went about ; he was answered it was Cox, and that
the General had sent him. Upon which I went to General Penn,
and asked for Capt. Cox (who with one Mr. Bounty had been
taken in at St. Christophers as guides, both of them being lately
come from Hispaniola, where Cox had served many Years a
Gunner in the Castle of St. Domingo). General Penn told me he
had sent him forth to gain intelligence. I ask'd further, if he
would return to be our Guide when we landed ; he answered he
C 2
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20 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
would, for he had orders so to do. I re ply 'd, it was well if he
did.
I then began to put the Regiments that were to land with
myself into readiness for landing, delivered out my fore mentioned
Instructions to the several Colonels, and the next day when I
took leave of General Penn and Mr. Winslow they gave me order
to prohibit Plundering, which I told them I would do by publish-
ing the order accordingly. I then ask'd for Cox (who the
Seamen said they saw a few hours before returning to us).
General Penn said he was before me on board the Vice
Admiral, whither I was then going. I ask'd for Feames and
Bounty, that one of them might stay with the Fleet when Cox
left them to march with ns by land. He said they must stay
with him to bring the Fleet (which any Shallop would have done)
to an Anchor. I replyd one of them was sufficient for that, we
might want two; but he would not part with either of them.
When I came aboard the Vice Admiral I was discoursing with
some Officers about what we were to do, and presently enquired of
the Vice Admiral whether we were yet fallen into the River Hine ?
He replyed he knew not. I then asked for Cox. He said he was
not on board, nor returned back, that he knew of, since the General
sent him, and that he had no guide but one Sabada, a Dutch Man,
nor any guide nor order for landing at Hine River.* I told him it
was the place we designed to land at, and that we would attempt
that place before we went to the Leward Point. He said he durst
not venture the Fleet without a Pilot in a strange and dangerous
place. I desir'd him to send for Feames or Bounty, or return
with the Fleet to General Penn. He said he could not ; the wind
was against us, and that we must go to the Leward Point. I then
protested my dissatisfaction at these passages, and so per force
was carried to the West Point, which occasioned along and tedious
March Forty Miles or thereabouts in a Woody Country we knew
' Compare the letter of Venables to Montague, May 26, 1655. Carte, Original
Letters^ ii. 48.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 21
not, and without any Guide save Heaven ; the land burnt up with
a drought, so that our Horses and Men (the sun being in our
zenith) fell down for thirst (but if any had the least Liquor pour'd
into him he recovered, otherwise died immediately) ; our very feet
scorched through our Shoes with the Sand and Gravel, there
being no grass save in Savanas ; ^ and the heats in this torrid Zone
at the highest, the nights cold and much dews ; which with eating
Oranges for thirst (wanting water), made our Men (after their
former bad and short diet) more apt to the Flux. In this
Condition we march *d four days to come to the place we should and
might have landed at the first day, and have prevented all this
trouble, sickness, and the Enemys summoning in the whole Country
to oppose us. And to add to our misery many of our Men (who
thought to have had three days Provisions,* but were by some Sea-
men put on Shore, by whose fault I know not, with one only
days Victual), were ready to sink down with extream faintings.
At this place we made a signal and desir'd to pass over the
River. By the Votes of the Council of Warr before mentioned
Coll. BuUer was to land to the East of the City. I gave him
order also not to attempt against it, the Haven being betwixt him
and the City, till the Army appeared on the other side ; lest if he
were repulsed in so dangerous an attempt it might heighten the
Enemies resolves ; but in case he could not land to the East, then
to observe the Commissioners orders till he joyn'd with the Array.
No place being found to land him to the East of the City,' he was
landed at Hine Kiver the day we came to it, with order not to stirr
from thence till we came to him ; but he disobeyed that order, and
march'd away with Cox our only Land Guide, (who retum'd tc
General Penn in our absence,) which caused us to march ten o\
twelve miles about, not knowing the Foord, to fast two days longer,
which almost destroyed our weak and fainting Men, and brought
* • Save in one Sayania,' Povey's MS.
* See Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 81.
» Ibid. ii. 81, 82.
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22 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VEXABLE8
along with it so many inconveniences as blasted all our resolves.
He suffering his Men to straggle it caus'd the Enemy to lay an
ambush for him, as Himself confess'd, into which we fell, and
necessity forcing our retreat it encourag'd the Enemy. All which
is Evidenc'd ; though Death hath prevented me of many Witnesses,
yet the ensuing Letter, which was sent me from a Coll. of the
Army, dated from Jamaica the 14th March 1655, and declares
both our resolves as to runing the fleet into the Haven, and Bullers
words and Actions, as it is now mention'd.
' Honoured Sir
Whereas I hear they accuse you for choosing to land at Point
Nizaoe, I knew 'twas not your Choice, and all Men will believe it
when they consider what little command you had of the Fleet;
and I remember well you were so far from wishing well to a long
march, that you desir'd to have landed at the very City it self. But
it was aflirm'd at the debate that there was a Chain lying cross
the mouth of the Harbour to hinder passage in, which was
affirmed by so eminent a person as none of the Pilots would
contradict it, whilst they were in the Cabin, though I can depose
that afterwards without one of them, who had not long since been
there, did affirm to me there neither was, nor did he believe there
could be any such thing.
What the sufferings of the Army w ere in your March I cannot
know otherwise than by relation, and by the expe[ri]ence of my own
and Coll. Bullers men in much a shorter way, which was but from
Hine River to the two New Plantations, which could not be above
Six Miles, and yet brought our Men to that Extremity for want of
Water that I never heard the like complaint as was the next
morning amongst them. A Condition we fell into through the
forwardness of Coll. Buller to March from Hine River, where we
landed, and were appointed to expect the Army, or that message
you were to send to the Rear Admiral for Provisions ; he himself
confessing, both in his Letter to General Penn and Mr. Winslow
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THE NARRATIVE OK GENERAL VENABLES 23
on board, and likewise to the Officers of that Party, that he had
no orders to March.* I likewise knew that a Party was sent forth by
him the next Morning, commanded by his Major Bland, and guided
by Cox, to discover the Fort of St Hieronimo, and to get some
intelligence of your March with the rest of the Army ; these stay'd
so long at the meeting of the ways, which was about half a Mile
from the Fort, as Coll. Bailer wondered at it. I thereupon offer'd
to march with a small Party to them to know what was the Occasion
of their stay ; and as I remember Bland told me they were ordered
there to remain to expect the Armys coming up ; which he was
confident would not be long, if the news was true which was
brought to his Coll. upon the March the day before by a Soldier
who stay'd behind at Hine Bay, which was that he saw a Man come
to the River side with two Collours upon a Pike. I ask'd him how
far the Fort was from thence where he and his Party stayed. He
said it was hard by, and that a little within the Wood I might
plainly see it ; which I desir'd to do, and took Cox the guide with
me, who led me by a small path about Musket shot through the
Wood to a piece of fallen Ground which lay next adjoining to the
Fort, and about a quarter of a Mile distance from it. Having
seen the Fort, and having Blands answer I returned with it to
Coll. BuUer, the Party still remaining there till the Armys coming
up. But as it seems to me, that free and often looking on the Fort
had caus'd those Men to be discovered thence, and brought that
ambuscado forth into whose hands your honour had like to have
fallen ; for I have heard Coll. BuUer say, he did believe that
ambush was laid for his Men, and not for the Army.'
This letter was writ to me from Coll. Richard Holdipe, in
answer to one of mine when I Petition'd and expected to be Call'd
to give an Account of all my transactions.
This following certificate was writ by Mr. Heurj' Cary,
Secretary to his Highness Commissioners.
» For a defenoe of Baller*8 oondnct see 7th Rep, Hist, MSS. Comm, p. 572.
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24 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
* I underwritten Testifie, that being present in the great Cabin
aboard the Paragon, I heard General Venables ask of Vice
Admiral Goodson whether they were yet fallen in with the River
Hine (or words to that purpose), that they might try to land
there; whereupon the Vice Admiral reply*d that they had over
shot it, as he thought. Whereat the General wondring, and
saying that it was resolv'd to land there if they could, he further
added that he had no orders to stop there. This discourse
happened on the 13th of April 1655, which I am ready to Confirm
by Oath if need require.'
Henry Gary.
I mentioned before the Commissioners order to me, which as
soon as we were landed, according as they required, I published,
(that order against all Plundering and that whatever was gotten
should be brought into a publick Stock), And acquainted the
Officers with the Commissioners order which foUoweth.
By the Commissioners appointed by his Highness for ordering
and managing the Affairs in America.
* We taking into our serious Consideration upon our near
approach to the city of Domingo, a place that we have resolv'd to
make the first attempt upon in order to the present Expedition in
the West Indies, conceive it a just and meet thing that some more
than ordinary encouragement be given to the Army; and the
rather because if God shall be pleased to put it into our hands we
may not admit of Plunder, for that his Highness intends to plant
a Collony of English there ; and therefore do declare that if the said
city of Domingo shall refuse to surrender upon a fair Summons,
and force the Army to take it by storm, that then the Army shall
have one moiety of all that shall be taken (except Arms, Ordnance,
Ammunition, and other Royalties), Vizt : of such Goods as shall
be brought into the Publick Stores. Or in case General Venables
shall promise them a Months Pay, or Six Weeks Pay, we shall be
ready to assist him in it. Provided the place be able to make it
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 25
Grood, and we in any measure enabled to carry on the design, And
withal Provided that the Soldiers break not this agreement by
Plander. And in case it shall be taken by surrender, and that the
General shall promise them such an encouragement as the said condi-
tions will admit, Yizt : one third part of what shall be taken, or three
Weeks Pay, except befoi*e excepted, the Commissioners will assist
the General therein also ; and the General is desired to Issue out
his Orders accordingly to his Officers to prevent Plunder, and so
consequently that ruin that would thereby be brought npon the
Army it self. Given under our hands the 13th day of April 1655,
William Penn.
Edward Winslow.
Gregory Butler.'*
But their Spirits were by former discontents so exasperated,
that [what] would at first have been willingly accepted of with love
and thankfulness was now rejected, And the Sea Men first of all,
then all the rest, fell into Mutiny ; and some said that I was but
one Man, and could not hang all the Army, and that whilst they
had no Pay they would have all they could get. Of all which I
certified the Commissioners, withal assuring them that I now
found my former fears to come to pass. That they would destroy
my Interest in the Army by their unseasonable and unreasonable
pertinac[it]y in refusing the Officers motions, but that having
discharged my Duty in observing their orders and his Highness
Instructions, I shall satisfie my own Heart therein whatever the
events were. Whereupon they sent me a further order, but all too
late ; for Passion having usurp'd the seat of Beason nothing would
be heard, and the reins of Government being loosed would not
now be endured to restrain their will, and my Interest being lost
all my endeavours were to no purpose. In this discontented humour
we march'd in a most sad and miserable manner in an unknown
1 Another proolamation signed only by Venables is printed in the Report of the
Dnke of Portland's MSS. ii. 91. Butler^s name is erroneously given as George both
in Long's and in Poyey's MSS.
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26 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Country, tormented with Heat, banger, and thirst (my self
enduring what the meanest suffered), until the fourth day after we
came to the River Hine, where we purposed and might have landed
at first (as is before related) ; where we were by Cox informed
there was a ford, which we searched for, but could find none in half
a Mile, and hearing that BuUer was march'd away, and Cox with
him, we conceived they were gone up the River to meet us, and
supposed the Ford was above higher, but we left it at the influx of
the River into the Sea, an unusual place to find a Ford in, and
never thought of. ^ Whereupon we march'd five Miles, but no
Ford to be found, we quartered that night without water, and the
next morning after three Miles March more we found one, and
then pass'd the River with resolution to march to the Harbour to
take in Ammunition and Provision, and to refresh our weary sick
and fainting Men with some rest ; but hearing Coll. BuUer and
Holdipes Drums I desir'd if possible to send to them to come
to us, this being now the fifth day after we had begun with
our three days Victuals, though some had but one days
victuals. We marchVi towards the Ships and finding a Farm
House with Water we halted thither, and I commanded a
Captain out with some Men to seek out the way, but ordered him
to enquire of a Spaniard who lay bed-rid which was the nearest and
best way to the River where our Ships rid at Anchor; but he
neglected to go, because the Spaniard could not or would not tell
him the way, yet never gave any account that he stay'd, so that my
self not knowing thereof stayed three hours waiting for his return.
As the last, finding he was not gone, I call'd him out, and call'd
some Ofiicers to debate, and Capt. Butler, one of the Commis-
sioners (who was with us all the march) ; an old Irish Man was
brought in, who offer'd to bring us within two miles of a River
* * This ford was at the mouth of the river which is the general rule in the W.
Indies, where the Sea Breeze and current usually cast up a Bar of Sand over which
the Water is extremely shallow, so that though there is depth of Water on each
side the Bar for large vessels, yet upon the Bar itself nothing but a canoe can pass
without grounding.' This note is added in the margin by another hand.
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THE NARRATn-E OF GENERAL VENABIJES 27
where we might come at our Ships. My self was suspicious of him
after examination, lest he came to betray us (and the sequel prov'd
my jealousie not to be groundless) ; but Capt. Butler pressed with
great earnestness to believe him, saying he durst pawn his life
he was honest, and charg'd me by virtue of my Instructions to
follow his Advice, and some of the Officers being so pressing, I
darst not refuse, it being part of my Instructions to steer my course
by the advice of the Commissioners, or by reason of the Death or
absence of the rest, of one ; but after three miles March and no River
appearing, our Men fainting, he said he only spoke of Water
which was near and the Ships also, but sending a Party no Water in
. a Miles March to be found. We met with Coll. BuUer and his Guide,
Capt. Cox, who promised Water, which was glad tidings. We
march'd towards it, but Coll. Bullers Men having quartered there-
abouts had rambled up and down for Pillage, which gave the Enemy
occasion to place an ambush, which fell upon our forlorn which
they routed, and slew several Officers (former light matters I pass
as not worth the mentioning), but were instantly beaten back with
loss, and pursued within Cannon Shot of the Town, where our Men,
being with the Skirmish drawn on, forgot that thirst which when
the fight ended they fainted under, several Men and horses dying
with thirst upon the place. A Council of War being calFd, and
the Condition of the Army being stated, which was this ; some had
fasted four days, save the fruit they found in the Woods (unfit for
men to live upon) ; their Match spent to three or four Inches ;
no Water, the Spaniards having stop'd up all their Wells within
several Miles ; our men fainting ; our Ships not to be Come unto
in that place. If we went on we must leave the Town betwixt us
and our Fleet, and by consequence betwixt us and our Victuals
and Ammunition. We had neither ladders, Guns, nor any Man
that knew the Town or Country (for Capt. Cox was slain in the
Skirmish). ^ To return was to encourage the Enemy, and to
discourage our Men. To Carry fainting and almost famished Men
' See Memorials of Sir William Penny ii. 85.
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28 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
upon a storm, in the dark night, in an unknown place, where we
could not Choose the fittest Place to assault, after some had fasted
five, and all two days, without Ammunition, was thought madness,
and therefore our former resolution, from which the Irish Mans
relation by Capt. Butlers peremptory Counsel diverted us, was
taken up as the best. The four miles we had advanced out of our
way lost us in that marching back many Men and Horse through
want of meat and water. These reasons were then propounded,
and since sent in a letter by me to Coll. Doyly. His Answer
follows.
Jamaica, July 12th 1656
* Sir,
For the matter of the Allegations you mention, and the reasons
of our not falling on St. Domingo, though I doubt my relation will
be little advantageous to you now, the Protector having wisely and
prudently judg'd year case, not by the uncertain event of Warr,
but by your own deportment ; yet I must in honour of Truth and
justice affirm the reasons in your letter to be the very same that
were then given, which I perfectly remember.
Yours,
Edward Doyly.'
We stay'd at the Harbour three or four days, takeing in of
Ammunition, Victuals, and other necessaries, and to refresh our Men.
We again advanced with a Mortar Piece to take the Fort where
the Enemy had laid his Ambush about a Mile short of the Town,
and two small Pieces drawn by Men, But when we came
to the same place our Men in the forlorn commanded by Adju*.
Gen*. Jackson fell into an ambush, going against order without
any Parties to search the Woods, and with their Pikes in the I'ear,
contrary to order given at the first landing, in regard that in forty
miles March we never saw above three Savannas, the whole
country being a continual Wood, where not above four could march
a breast and an hundred might trouble Ten thousand. Besides,
himself having the charge of the Party, put a Lieutenant and a
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 29
Captain in the head of them before him, and himself brought up
the rear. The Ennemy suffered without lett our Men to march on,
who went just into the midst of danger (being ready to faint with
thirst, having march'd eight miles without water), and then
Charg'd them. The Van recieved the Charge, and fired orderly,
but the Rear ran away, and Jackson the first Man of all. The
way being narrow they ran upon my own Regiment, who charg'd
their Pikes at Jackson and his Men to keep them back ; but they
would not be stayed, but routed first that Regiment, then Major
General Haynes's regiment.^ The Enemy followed eagerly, gave no
quarter, so that the Major General and all our best OflScers, who
scorned flight, fell in that Action. But the Sea Regiment coming
on with my self and Vice Admiral Goodson in the head of them,
with our Swords we forc'd the runaways into the Woods, rather
choosiug to kill them than they should rout us ; which the Enemy
seeing retreated, so that we recovered the dead Bodies and place
of fight, which ground we kept though the Enemy's Cannon from
the Fort swept away our Men by eight or nine at a shot. The
Mortar piece was dmwn up to play, but such was the teiTour,
or sloth, or both, that had possessed our Men, that not a man
would work (for any rewards) to plant it. I had now been troubled
for a fortnight with a grievous Flux, which had so weakened me
(besides the pains of the day) that I could not go except supported
by two, and thus I went from place to place as the Cannon play'd
to encourage the Men to stand and to plant the Mortar Piece ;
and at last fainting I was forc'd to leave the care [of it] to Major
General Fortescue, who could prevail no more than my self had
done. So resting there that night to bury our dead a Councel of
War was call'd of all the Colls, and several Field OflBcers, where (no
man dissenting) it was Voted that the difficulty of thirst was not
to be overcome, the Enemy having barrocaded the way, and plac'd
ambushes, so that we might dye of thirst (though we should beat
them) before we could come to our Ships, who near the Town had
* See Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 89.
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30 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
found a place to land Water and all necessaries, which they had
in readiness for us, as they inform 'd us ; and therefore resolv'd
next morning to retreat at Sun rising, if the Mortar Piece could
not play before, which we did accordingly. In this last Action our
men shewed themselves so heartless that they only followed the
Officers to charge, and there left them to dye, except they were as
nimble footed as themselves ; entreaties, persuasions, reasons; not
prevailing to stay them, though they neither were able nor knew
whither to run with safety. Our planters we found most fearful,
being only bold to do mischief, not to be commanded as Souldiers,
nor to be kept in any civil order; being the most prophane
debauch'd persons that we ever saw, scorners of Religion, and
indeed men kept so loose as not to be kept under discipline, and
so cowardly as not to be made to fight ; so that had we known
what they would have prov'd, we should rather have chosen
to have gone ourselves, as we came from England, than have taken
in such to our assistance, who, we fear, with some others put upon
us in England, have drawn this heavy affliction upon us, dishonour
to our Nation and Religion. How sensible the Commissioners
were of our streights and the cowardice of our Men, let their own
letter to the Governour of Barbadoes (written in my absence)
speak.
*Sir,
We are ashamed of the cowardice of our men, which yet
continueth, and were not the enemy as cowardly as themselves, they
might with a few destroy our Army, or else the Officers must leave
their charges, and charge the enemy in a body together ; nor will
they be brought to go on again (we mean the body of the Army),
and to say the truth your Men and the Men of St. Christophers
lead all the disorder and confusion. But having conferred with
the Officers this day they all ^gree that these People will never
be brought to March up to that place again. This hath made us
to take up a new resolution (to our great grief and anguish of
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THE NAKRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 81
Spirit), Vizt : to attempt Jamaica in the next place, and therefore
desire you to send our Stores thither, if they be not as yet sent
away ; and if the Great Charity be not there, not at all to send
our Ordnance, Mortar Piece, Shells, and Balls for the Great Gunns,
but keep them with you till further order ; but if she or any other
Man of War come with them, then ship them in her, and let
them go with the Stores, but carry the foremention'd back for
England when the Stores are landed at Jamaica; And in case
they should not find us at Jamaica then let all return for
England. But General Penn will write to the Commanders of
any Men of Warr or Store Ships more particularly, whose
orders therein we pray you have special respect unto, if they
shall be produced. Time will not permit us to tell you of every
particular, nor to set out the worth of our General, how he sought
by all Means to stop the base flight of our Men, and how our
Men, nay Horses also (which are of little use in this thicket for
fight) fell down upon their March, some dying with thirst upon
the place, (but if strong Water or ordinary Water were but pour'd
into them they instantly rose up and march'd). How valiantly
Capt. Carpenter hathbehav'd himself [sic]. Capt. Paulet is slain in
this last engagement, but whether of wounds in the back or
forward as yet we know not. Thus you see our sad condition.
We pray you present our respects to the Comissioners for the Prize
Office. That God will be pleas'd to enable us to make a right
use of this great affliction is the earnest desire of,
Sir, Your humble Servants,
William Penn, Edward Winslow, Gregory Butler.
From abord the Swiffcsure, the 28th Apr., 1655.'
This clause also in a Letter from Capt. Carpenter, Vizt :
* In the last fight my Horse was shot under me, and I was carry'd
away on foot in the throng, and spake to you as I met you bringing
up the Sea Regiment to our relief, and beating up the remainder of
the Major Generals Regiment to make them face the Enemy, and
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32 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
did ailerwards tell you of the cowardice of Adjutant Jackson as the
loss of our honours &c/ But not to excuse ourselves wholly, we
fear we did trust too much in the Ann of Flesh, having so great
an Army as England never sent into these parts before; and
indeed our Number in this Woody Country was our trouble, not
strength. In our first encounter we had some further discourage-
ment from the Seamen. Our sick and wounded Men sent on
board (for tents and carriages had none), were kept upon the
bare deck forty eight hours, and had neither Meat, Drink, nor
dressing, so that worms bred in their wounds, and Capt.
Leverington, a Gallant Man, dy'd thereby, and our Victuals sent us
on shore (as though we were not thirsty enough) unwatered, and
even candid ' with Salt, so that our Men Could not eat it till
necessity enforced ; And General Penn after our disaster gave the
Rear Admiral order, though our Victuals were spent and a day
more, that he should deliver us none, Mr. Winslow the Commis-
sioner being present ;^ the Men, whom we do not justifie, being
commonly called Dogs,^ and judg*d worthy (the motion being
made accordingly) to be left to the enemy, and to set sail for
England ; this being so horrid a motion my Soul detested it, and I
should never have mentioned it, had not the neglects and injuries
put upon me (with my own just defence) necessitated me thereunto,
that the World might see the kindness the Seamen were like to
express unto us in all our wants and extremities, and as an
evidence to Confirm the relation of their former hard usage from
them at Sea. So soon as we were retreated to the Sea side I fell
' * Candy'd,* Lee-Townshend MS.
' ' And whilst it was in debate what we should doe, they had none given them,
and to that pass they were given that they devoured all the dogs, apes and horses
in camp, and some did eat poisonous food, that (as I was informed) in a day forty
died with it at once,* Lee-Townshend MS.
* * It was moved that the soldiers (whom they commonly called doggs) should be
left on shore to the mercy of the enemy, and set sayle for England (which horrid
inhumanity my soul detested) and when they came to be shipped the officers would
not suffer the regiment of Seamen to be first shipped, lest they should serve them
a dogg-trick,' Lee-Townshend MS.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 33
into examination of several miscarriages where Adjutant General
Jackson was Charg'd, and the Charge prov'd upon Oath, that first,
contrary to orders and my daily practice, he march'd without any
to search the Woods to prevent ambushes. Secondly he took no
Pikes; or very few, and plac'd them in the rear, as tho he fear'd our
Horse only. Thirdly he put other OflBcers in the Van and himself
brought up the Rear, near enough to claim honour if it were
gotten, and in a safe place to run if there were occasion. Fourthly
he was tbe first Man that was seen to run of the whole Party, and
would not be stop'd, yea, for eagerness to be gone, that he at the
Stop my Regiment gave him, which Caused a Crowd, with his hands
took hold of them that were before and thrust them aside, that he
might make way for himself to be foremost in the retreat. My self
Coming up saw him upon a Pillow with a Woman by him weeping
for him. I supposing him wounded, asked him how he did, he
reply'd sore bruis'd. I ask'd the Woman what her concern was
for him ; she said that her name was Jackson, and that her husband
was slain. I told her she ought rather to look after her Husband
than a stranger. All which being prov'd upon Oath before a
Council of Warr, he was only sentenced to be Cashierd, and his
Sword broken over his head, and to be made a Swabber to keep the
Hospital Ship clean for the Health of those who by his evil conduct
and cowardice were wounded. A sentence too gentle for so
notorious an offender, against whom some of the Coll" made
complaint for whoring and drunkenness at Barbadoes; but not
being able to prove the fact, though considering his former course
of Life the presumption was strong, he and a Woman lodging in one
Chamber together and not any other person with either, enough to
enduce a belief that he was an Offender, he having two Wives in
England, and standing guilty of forgery ; all which I desir'd Major
General Worsley to joyn with me in to acquaint his Highness
with, that he might be taken off, and not suffered to go with me,
lest he should bring a curse upon us, as I fear he did ; but his
Highness would not hear, as Mr. Eaton of Duckinfield Church can
D
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3i THB NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
testifie,* to whom Major General Worsley related this matter in the^
Tower they Coming to see me ; after this both Perjury and forgery
was proved against him in the case of Coll a Gent, of Barbadoea
ruin'd by him by that means, upon the complaint and with the advice
of the said Colonell I rebuk'd him privately, which he took so dis-
tastefully that as it afterwards appeared he studied and endeavour'd
nothing but mutiny, and [to] find fit matter to work upon, as in [an]
Army that has neither Pay, Pillage, Arms, Ammunition, nor Victuals
will not be difficult, but this I came to understand afterwards. We
also proceeded against a Sergeant who in the last skirmish threw
down his arms, crying out ' Gentlemen shift for yourselves, we are
all lost ' and so ran away. He was hang'd with his fault written
upon his breast. I must now insert a small digression : That during
this and the former stay at this place for refreshment, my self being
extreamly troubled with the Flux, having neither Tent nor other
shelter, and the rain then falling, did for three nights go aboard to
Lodge in a Ship about musket shot from the Shore, and returned in
the morning. M^ Winslow came ashore to us, and press'd for a third
attempt. The Officers universally declined leading up of their Men,
but freely oflfer'd to Regiment themselves, so to live and die together;
for their men (whom they had never known in England), being gene-
rally new raised men, or Cavaliers that had been sent to Barbadoes,
and often beaten at home, and therefore found it not safe to trust to
their Courage, which they had Experienc'd to the loss of many of
their fellows ; but this was declined by M"^ Winslow. Whereupon
the commissioners consulted what was further to be done, [and]
finding the Soldiers so cowardly, and not to be trusted or confided
in, except rais'd in their Spirits by some smaller success, did
therefore resolve to attempt Jamaica. During these debates the
Soldiers supplies of Victuals being kept back by General Penns
order, as is related, their wants were so great that they eat up all
' Jackson was perhaps the Major Jackson of Col. Ashton's regiment mentioned
in Capt. Hodgson's account of the battle of Preston (p. 32, ed. Turner). From
these references he appears to have been a Lancashire man.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 35
the Dogs, AsseSj and Horses in the Camp, and some eat Poisonous
food; so that I was informed Forty six died with it at once,
choosing Poison before famine. It being resolv'd that we should
be shipd all to attempt Jamaica, but the OflScers refus'd to permit
the Regiment of Seamen to be ship'd first, lest, as it was mention'd,
they should be left on shore without food, Ammunition, Medica-
ments, or any necessaries, to be given up to the mercy of the
Enemy. But at the last all being got on board we set sail for
Jamaica,^ where the first day following * we landed in the afternoon ;
and here remembring our Mens Cowardice at Hispaniola, issued
forth an order against runaways, that his next fellow should kill
him, or be tried for his own life ; which one observes was a neglect
at Hispaniola, but he had forgot that Ex malis moribus bonas leges
nascuntur, and we could not aforehand conceive our men to be so
basely Cowardly, but hop'd they had been English Men, but this
nameless and shameless traducer shall have a full answer before I
make an end.' When we came to land General Penn and myself
went on board the Martin Galley (which play'd upon the Enemy
in the Fort and they upon it), the better to order things in the
attempt.* The Wind favoured us here, for being in the rear of our
men they could not possibly row back, but must vanquish or die,
and so I conceive were the bolder (necessity enforcing them),
gaining with little Opposition the Enemy's Fort with some Guns.
It being about three of the Clock the OflScers thought it best not
to march thence that night, wanting Guides, and if they should
want water (which was there to be had) the men being already
with want and bad diet very weak might be endangered ; besides
the Enemy might in an unknown place, where they could nob
have day to View all passages and advantages, fall into their
quarters. Whereupon it was deferr'd till next morning, which
' May 4. « May 10. * The fifth day ' correctly says the LoeTownshend MS.
* Harleian Miscellany, iii. 620.
* Compare Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 99, and 7th Rep. Hist MSS
Comm, p. 573.
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3(3 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
being come we began our March with the San, and about noon
came up to the Savanna by the Town, where two or three Spaniards
at a distance made some signals of Civility. I commanded so
many to go to them ; they then rid away, and presently made a
stand. I commanded one well mounted to ask what they would.
They desired a treaty. We told them we would treat when we saw
any authorized from the Govemour ; whereupon they went away,
and next morning a Priest and a Major came to us to desire a
treaty, and that they would give us what in Reason we could
desire. I told them we came not to pillage, but to plant ; and
withal having been long at Sea with Salt Meat I expected they
should send us in an hundred Cows daily for our supply, with fresh
Meat and Cassavina^ Bread proportionable, or without those
Supplies I would not Treat. Whereupon they sent us in Cattle,
but not bread, alledgiog they had not enough for us. We pre-
sently set Commissioners to work, but these desir'd that our men
might not straggle for fear of their Mullatoes. We told them they
were their Servants, and at their Command, and neither durst or
would do any hurt but by their Command or" Connivance. The
treaty went on, and the articles [were] concluded on as follows.^
' Imprimis, That all Ports, Arms, Ammunition, Utensils, and
necessaries for Warr, of what kind or nature soever, (except what
is hereafter exempted), and all kind of Shipping that now is in any
Harbour of this Island, with the furniture, Sails,' Apparel, Ammu-
nition, Ordnance, &c. thereunto belonging ; as also Goods, Wares,
Merchandizes, and what else is upon the said Island, be delivered up
unto the Right Honourable General Venables, or whom he shall
appoint to receive the same, for the use of his Highness Oliver,
the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, before the . . . dayof this Instant Month of May, without
any deceit, embezlement, or Concealment whatsoever.
' * Cassavia/ Lee-Townshend MS.
' The treaty was signed on May 17. See Memorials of Sir William Penn^ ii.
102-4 ; 7th Rep, Hist MSS. Comm. p. 574. » ' Tacle ' according to Povey's MS.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 37
Secondly, That all and every the Inhabitants of the Island
(except those hereafter excepted) shall have their lives granted, and
shall not be abused in their Persons ; and that those of them that shall
desire to depart this Island shall with their Wives and Children be
transported to some part of Nova Hispania (Wind and weather per-
mitting), or otherwise to some of the King of Spains dominions in
America; they providing their own Provisions and Victuals necessary
for the Voyage, the which they shall have the permission freely to do.*
Thirdly, That all Commission Officers, and none else, have
liberty to enjoy and wear their Rapiers and Ponyards.
Fourthly, That liberty [be granted] to all that shall depart
according to the second Article to carry with them their wearing
apparel, and any books or Writings they shall desire.
Fifthly, That all Artificers and meaner sort of Inhabitants as
shall desire to remain on the Island (except hereafter excepted)
shall enjoy their freedom and Goods (excepting Slaves), they
submitting and conforming to the Laws and Government of the
English Nation, and such others as shall be declar'd by
Authority to be put in use and exercis'd within this Island.
Sixthly, That all Goods and necessaries, as well Household as
for draught, be continued at the several Habitations and Estancias
to which they belong, and that all such Goods as have been
convey'd from the places to which they belong'd respectively [and]
are conceal'd or embezled, be returned to the several Habitations
unto which they appertained before the . . . day of this Instant
May, and that an accompt be given in thereof unto the said Rt.
Honourable General Venables or his Deputies according to the
Tenour of the first Article.
Seventhly, That nothing in these present Articles be under-
stood to Extend to any person that came to this Island upon a
former Attempt under Capt. William Jackson, and then forsaking
■ See for oommentB on this clause Barrington^s narrative, 7th Rep, Hist. MSS.
Catnm. p. 674. They were to be transported by June 16.
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38 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
their Colours revolted to the Enemy, and that the Govemour do
deliver the said Persons into the Power aforesaid.
Eighthly, That such Hostages or Rehenes ^ as shall be desir'd be
given on the part of the Inhabitants for the true performance of
these Articles, and also for the safe return of the English Ships
that shall be appointed for the transportation of those that desire to
depart this Island.
Ninthly, That in order to the transportation of those that
shall depart the Number of them be certainly known that con-
venient Shipping be provided accordingly, it is agreed that the
Master of every Family, or other free person of the Inhabitants
of this Island that shall depart, do within . . . days after the
date hereof bring unto the said Right Honourable General
Venables or his Deputies a perfect List of all the Persons of their
respective families for whom they expect transportation according
to the precedent Articles, As likewise the Names and number of
all the Servants and Slaves that belonged unto them on the . . .
day of this Instant Month.
Tenthly, That a true list of all other the Inhabitants and freemen
of the Island with their Names, Titles, qualities, and occupations,
together with the names of their "Wives, Children, Servants, and
Slaves, be brought in to the said General or his deputies within
. . . days after the date hereof.
Eleventhly, That for all such persons whose names shall be so
delivered at the Port of Caguaya to such as shall be there
appointed by the General of the fleet to receive the same for the
use of the said Persons to be transported.
(12) That all Slaves Negroes and others be required by their
several masters to present themselves upon the . . . day of this
Instant May before the Right Honourable General Venables upon the
Savanna before the Town of Caguaya, to receive such favourable con-
cessions as are intended to be made unto them touching their Liberty.
(13) That all persons that are to be transported be ready at
• Behen = hostage.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 39
the Port of Caguaya before the . . . day of this May, or be utterly
excluded touching their Liberty from the benefit of these Articles.'
The Commissioners for us were :
Major General Fortescue, Vice Admiral Goodson, Coll. Richard
Holdipe, Coll. Edward Doyly.
Signed by these and the Spanish Commissioners. I have the
Original of these in Spanish, but whether rightly translated or no
I cannot say because I understand not the Language.
The Articles being sign'd by the Commissioners I demanded
the Commissioners for Hostages for performance and kept them
and the Governor (whom I fetch 'd in) as Hostages; but there was
a Coll. amongst them Enemy to the Govemour, who perswaded
the People (being a Man of Interest and authority amongst them),
that if they did drive away the Cattle they might starve us away.
. One of the Commissioners sent his Priest (who was a discreet Negar)
to dissuade them from the course, but they hanged him : where-
upon this Gent (Don Acosta, a Portuguise) to revenge the death
of his Priest whom he lov'd, directed us how to recover all the
cattle, informing us whither they had driven them into the
Mountains they could not carry them, and that the cattle rau&t
come into the Plains to drink, which fell out accordingly.
I was also informed about this time that the Soldiers stragled
abroad to kill cattle, and in regard the country was Woody,
except they shot them dead (which was not usual) they ran into
the Woods, and there rotted ; so that as I was assured some
hundreds were found thus dead, which course (if suffered) would
in short time consume all the cattle, and then the Army must
starve. To prevent which mischief, the Men being sometimes
slain by stragling, I order'd that no private Soldier should hence-
forward go forth to kill cows alone, but that commanded parties
should constantly be sent forth to fetch in cows for the Armys
necessary supply, and for the future we were constantly furnished
with beef, and this was not (as M"" I. S. said) * starving in a cooks
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40 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Shop/ * and this rule being observed by Coll. Holdipe he had
cattle. But bread we extreamly wanted which was sent us with
a streight and slack hand, and also very bad, as the following
Letters will Evidence writ into England by some Gentlemen to
their friends, who since gave some of them (and copies of others
attested under their hands) to me.
Jamaica, the 4th Jiine, 1655.
* Loving Brother,
These are to let you know that we are at the Island of Jamaica,
which is a very good Island, very fruitful of cattle. At present
we are possessed of the Town and of their Houses, and the People
are fled into the Mountains not daring to fight us, so that now we
are spreading our Army into the country to quarter and to prevent
the Enemy from getting Provision, so also to plant for our own
relief; for our Shipping not coming to us hath put us to great loss
and hardship, so that all the loss we had at Hispaniola was occa-
sioned thereby, which [was] for want of Arms, Provisions, and of
guides, but that you will hear all and more than all by some that
came back from us ; some of which I suppose came only to see
Golden Mountains, and to plunder, not expecting to meet with so
many difficulties as we met with, which was much occasioned by
some misinformation that my Lord Protector had of the great
Supplies of Men and Provisions that we should have at the Island.
Which was much to their and our hurt, for they did for us what
they were able, and for the Men we had from thence, for the most
part [they] prov'd good for little ; I dare say that one Thousand of
our Soldiers that came out of England or Ireland is better than five
Thousand of them, for they have been for the most part such old
beat/cn runaways as that they know how to do little else except to
Plunder ; and for those we carried out of England, we now find
by sad experience that but few of them were old Soldiers, but cer-
tainly most of them were Apprentices that ran from their Masters,
and others that came out of Bridewell, or one Gaol or another ; so
* See Harleian Miscellany^ iii. 522.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 41
that in onr poor Army we have but few that either fear God or
i:everence Man.
Bat blessed be God those that are in chief place ai'e Godly,
and we have Godly teachers among us, so that I hope God will
carry on his work among us, and I hope -that the Lord Protector
will be careful to send better Men, I mean both better Soldiers and
as many Godly Men as may be, for certainly we had a great many
of bad Commanders as well as bad Soldiers. How they got in I
know not, but Barbadoes did discover many of them, and God will
discover them I hope more and more, and weed them out from
among us. Our Enemies having much time to fly away before us,
did carry the best of what they had with them, they having so
many Horses and carts to carry with ; for this place doth abound
with Horses, so that we have mounted diverse of our Men, and are
about to mount more, they being of such special use to us as we
find them to be. But I hope ere long they will all fall into our
hands, for on the Mountains they have little to live upon, and but
two narrow passages to come down, which we have sent to block
up ; so that I hope that work will be short. You will too soon
hear what Commanders we lost before St. Domingo, but among
the rest Major Ferguson was slain the same day and time that
Major General Haynes was slain.
Tell M'^ Partington that his runaway apprentice came to me to
send him home ; he would be glad of the scraps that comes from
his Masters Table, for indeed he and all the rest of those runaways
God hath met with them to purpose ; for indeed great hath been
the hardships we have met with, and the streights we are now in
are very great. For these Seventeen days we have had but three
biskets of bread a Man, neither OflScer, nor Soldier ; and sometimes
little or no Meat for two or three days together, and when God
will send us supplies we know not. We find it somewhat difficult
to get Cattle, and that is the most we live upon, and it is not a
few that we shall spend in Six Months ; but our eyes are towards
him that knows what is good for us. We had yesterday some of
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42 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
our Enemif & bix)Ught in, and hope God will bring them all in, and
some of our Ships are come in, but it is but little Provision they
bring us. So not having else at present, I rest,
Your Loving Brother till death,
Daniel How/ V
' These are to certifie those whom it may concern, That I
being now again to go to Sea thought it convenient to leave a few
lines behind me touching what I have formerly said in relation
to our Voyage to the West Indies, having had several debates
Concerning the same with several commanders and others Persons
of quality about this City, and not knowing what some may say in
absence left this for Vindication of the truth by whomsoever spoken.
(?. 1st. The great Question hath been for the most part how
it came to pass we had so bad success in our Voyage ?
A. That it was Gods handy work for the Sins of the Nation,
OS also for our Sins who were very unfit Instruments for such
a work, being for the most part such as were not Soldiers, and but
few but such as were more than ordinary Wicked and debauch'd,
and that not only private Soldiers but several Commanders also,
which might justly provoke the Lord against us.
Q. 2nd. But what might be the Cause; was it through the
bad carriage of the Generals, or thro' want, or how do you
conceive ?
A. Herein I shall give a relation in the presence of the
great Lord of Heaven and Earth, according to truth, as I did
apprehend things to be through the whole Voyage. We had from
Portsmouth to Barbadoes a very comfortable and speedy passage,
where we lay about Ten Weeks looking for our Store Ships, both
for Ammunition and Provision, and seeing no supplies to come
did fear some trouble in England that might possibly hinder ; we
fear'd the danger of the Sea also, but it did appear that it was
Gods own handy work to prevent our Store Ships from Coming
* Daniel How Tvas a captain in Colonel Carter's regiment.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLEK .43
,to US ; by which means we were in present want of Arms tmd
.Ammonition, as did appear that we were necessit^^ted to take
Arms from the Islanders, and to make half Pikes of Cabbage Trees
and other wood, which prov'd very useful, and our arms very bad
which we had, and some had none at all, which made our raeix very
heartless. Further when we set sail from Barbadoes we then w^nt
Six Men to four Mens allowance, but all this while our Men had
their health well. But when we were brought to Hispaniola and
to land, there we had but three days Provision, and diverse Soldiers
being put out of their Ships the day before into small vessels, and
when we landed there was one day spent in landing, so that
there was two days Provisions spent to some and one days
to the whole, so that many had but one days Victuals to march
with, and the rest but two ; with which we march'd up to
St. Domingo, and drew off again, and [it] was till either
Thursday or Friday before we had any more Victuals, we landing
on Saturday morning, in which long March we were several times
in great want of Water to the great prejudice of the Army.
Q. 3rd, But why did you draw off again the first time from
St. Domingo ?
A. We were necessitated to it for want of Water and
I^ovisions ; for I do think had we stayed till next day and not
have taken the Town, we should have lost more than half the Army ;
for drawing off that night, the Army being so weak with want and
weariness we could hardly draw off, and many doubtless were not
able to draw off, but were lost.
Q. 4th. But how came you to be so routed again the last time
when you went toward St. Domingo ?
A. Doubtless there was a great fault in Jackson who com-
manded the forlorn, for that they were so easily routed ; for this
yon are to know, that if a forlorn be routed in such a place as that
was, where but four could march abreast, and that those that are
routed turn in upon the body, that must of necessity breed a great
confusion, and this was our case, and most of those men were
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44 THE NABRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
either no Soldiers, or old beaten mnaways in England, Scotland,
and Ireland, and so by their mning, or endeavouring so to
do, routed those that would have stood if they Could, many of
which were slain and trod down in that throng, and doubtless it fell
upon the worst Regiment of all those that went out of England,
for that they had the most of those new rais'd forces at the
Barbadoes, many of which were ^ood for little ; and indeed this
I must say, that of those we carried out of England we found
there was but few old Soldiers, for I am of that Judgment that
we had not above one Thousand old Soldiers in our Army.
Q. 5th. Why did you draw off again and not march into
St. Domingo?
A. We were not able to do it, our Army being then so weak,
and no water to l)e had, and we nothing to carry it with us, were
forc'd to draw off in the most private way that could be, lest
we should there loose all.
Q. 6th. Why did you not march up again ?
A. The General calling a Council of Officers to advise with,
they did unanimously refuse, as judging the Army not in capacity
so to do ; and the rather for that we were that time about three
or four days in which we had no Provisions at all from the Ships,
in which time Horses, Asses, and Dogs, were good food to
our poor Soldiers, in which time Men fell down apace.
Q. 7th. But why did General Venables suffer that being one of
the Commissioners ?
A. He could do no more than he could do, it being in the
hands of General Penn ; and this I remember that a little before
Major General Haynes was slain, I asked him why the Regiment
of Seamen took place of our Regiment, Coll, Carter being
established in England, who I had heard before to take offence
at it. His answer was that he desir'd me to speak no more of
it ; for that they were forc'd to comply with them what they could,
to get that which was their own, [from] which I gather that the
fault was in General Penn, and not in General Venables.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 45
Hius being again necessitated to go on bord to get to some
other place, Grod so ordering it by a hand of his Providence as to
bring ns to Jamaica ; where we landed with a small portion of
Victuals for two or three days, having been kept on board at half
allowance to no allowance, for in Seventeen days we had bnt
three biskets a man, and those the worst I ever saw before or
since to my best remembrance ; in which time during the Treaty
with the Spaniards and their flying away from us all other
things were hard to come by, for that the Spaniards at their
flight drove away their cattle.
. Q. 8th. But why were not the Soldiers suffered to go abroad
to get what they could ?
A. For that they were commanded upon pain of death not to
go forth but by order, and that for these reasons : —
1 St. Because the Spaniards had promised within so many days
to come in and bring what they had,
21y. For that after their flight they did kill diverse of our Men
that did straggle abroad, so that it was thought better to send out
in parties, and a Commission OflScer or more to command the party.
3rdly. Because that those that did straggle abroad did do
much spoyl in gathering fruits not half grown, which doubtless
was a great cause of want.
Q. 9th. Was any punish'd according to the rigour of that
order with Death ?
A. No. But some were made prisoners, and those who were
eminently guilty, and some rid the Wooden Horse, and two who
were notorious swearers were whipt, and burnt through the
Tongue, for that and other misdemeanors ; which was done in the
time of General Venables sickness a little before our coming away.
Q. 10th. But why should any be punish'd for going abroad to
get relief?
A, Their going abroad was not only hurtful to the Army, in
spoiling carder and fruits, but also in making the cattle wild,
for they were not so, but might with ease be drawn into Penns
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4d THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
with Men on Horse-bacfc, but our men shooting at the cattle
woanded many, and killing but few made the cattle wild, and to
run much further from us, and much harder to come by ; for I
heard Capt. Jones's Lieutenant say in two days, being sent to
fetch in cattle, he had seen about four score wounded cattle in the
Woods, some having their guts trailing after them ; so that few
were to be seen before we came away in those places where there
were Thousands to be seen before, which being suffer'd must needs
bring scarcity.
Q. 11th. But why did your General come home ?
A. That one main reason was he was generally thought the
fittest man to come home ; for that he was best able to give an
account of the affairs of the Army to his Highness. Further he
had not his health, and the Doctors said he would die if he did
not go on Shipboard ; also he came with the consent, and as I
Conceive at the desire of the Major part of the Field Officers.^
Q. 12th. But how did General Venables carry himself in his
place?
A. He did in my Judgment carry himself like a Godly, Valiant,
discreet General, exposing himself to the greatest danger, and
sharing with us in our wants, and one that did in his place
endeavour the suppressing of Sin and the Promotion of Godliness,
and one that I conceive would have done it more had he fit
Instruments for his help in that kind, which I concieve was much
wanting. Daniel How.*
Here also followeth some abstracts of a Letter from Mr. John
Daniel' of our afiairs to his brother Coll. William Daniel, Gover-
nor of St. Johnston's in Scotland, from whom I received the par-
ticulars following.
1 See Thurloe, iii. 523. The resolutions of the Council of War, held June 7,
1655, bear out this statement.
* Auditor General of the Armj ; this letter is printed at length in Thurloe, iii.
504, with slight variations. Povey and Long both date the letter June 13.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VEKABLES^ 42-
The Original of another letter from M"" Daniel to one M*"
Stirrope and much to the same purpose I have by me, and there^:
fore forbear to insert it.
I then being very weak order[ed] the Council of Warr to fall
about the distributing the Army into the several Plantations, that
they might fall to work, and live (for the future) upon their own
endeavours, and fix plantations to be supplies at hand (Europe
being far of) for the further carrying on the design in what other
places should be judged most fit to attempt, according to my^
Instructions. I sent also several Parties abroad to discover the
country, and attempt upon the Enemy, and to secure the passes
into the Mountains, who returned with some Prisoners and
Pillage, and shortly after most of the Regiments were 86 nt to
their several Plantations as it fell to them by lot. I press'd'
again for Bread, but it was answered the Men must work or tott J
I reply 'd their present labours must stay a time to receive thi
return of a crop, and if they were not supply'd till they did reap
the fruit of their endeavours they would certainly be lost or rot
before that day, but all as above witnessed by letter did take
little effect upon those who regarded not our misery and sufferings;
About this time I dispatched some Letters into England to give art
account of our condition. i
A Letter to Secretary Thurloe, June 13'*, 1655.*
* Since my last we have only taken some [few] prisoners ; the rest
continue in the mountains, wanting Houses, Bread, &c. willing td
submit, if not aw'd by a few, and discourag'd by some Soldiers that
are unruly occasion'd by extream want, which to redress was the
work of this day ; and we hope to make them good subjects, bein^
most of them Portuguise 5 the Spaniards we shall remove, and en-
deavour to gain all of them by our civility.
' This letter is also printed in Thurloe^s State Papers, iii. 545. The same
collection contains an earlier letter from Venables and Butler to the Protector
dated June 4 (p. 509).
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48 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
We struggle with all diflSculties : aboat Two Thousand Men
sick.' We fall short both in Bread and Brandy and of what was
promised, if believ'd,* to be provided for us. We have not three
Weeks Bread, and little Cassavy in the Country, of which the
Enemy steals a share. Our Mendie daily, eating roots and fresh
flesh (when any food is gotten) without Bread, or very little, we
not daring on a sudden to take them from bread, by degrees
accustoming them to want that which none will have Five Weeks
hence, at half a bisket a Man per Diem.
There must some Block Houses be erected at the Harbours
mouth, were our men able to work at such hard Ijabour, which
indeed I fear will not be able to plant Cassavy to feed them or
other necessaries to preserve Life, many preferring, nay desiring,
death rather than Life. Though they have recovered their Hearts
(courage I cannot say they had) ^hich they lost at Hispaniola, Yet
I am confident they must not be the Men must carry on this
design in the field, it may be they may in the Country by
Planting, for I am confident had we rais'd men over England at a
Venture, we should have been better fitted than by those assign'd
us. These with some other reasons have mov'd the Council of Warr
to desire me (if the Lord gave health) to present our condition to
his Highness and Council, with some expedients, which at present
are not resolv'd upon ; neither am I able to enlarge, having quite
spent my Spirits to give some competent Account by General Penn,
who Yesterday Visited me, and told me he resolv'd for England
to-morrow, a warning too short for me to be large, who am so
weak after five Weeks flux, only some few days intermission.
The enclosed is a true Account of the Island which for
commodities — air at least — equalizes, and scituation to annoy ' the
Spaniards exceedeth Hispaniola in the Judgment of
Sir, Your Very Humble Oblig'd Servant
Robert Venables.
» * Near 3,000 men eick/ Venables to Montague, May 20. Carte, ii. 61.
* * Of what was promised and wee beleeved,' Thurloe, iii. 64d.
* MS. ' among.* Thurloe supplies the right reading.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 49
A Leticr to Mr, Noel^^ June 13, 1655
* I received yours Concerning M"^ Blake, And the other
expressing my Lords mind in the managing this design, which at
present we cannot put in Execution. First, because it was not positive
in our Instructions, but Conditional. Secondly, In regard ther are
few Plantations all along that Coast to Carthagene, and by conse-
quence not Victuals for us. Thirdly, Carthagena itself is Five Miles
distant from any fresh water, and is supply'd only with rain water
kept in Cisterns, and so we not able to stay there any time.
Fourthly, Our Tents not Coming, nor our Stores, we doubted the
Rains (which would kill us all) would overtake us before we could
gain any place of Shelter or make one, they usually on that Coast
falling in the beginning of April, and destroying the Natives, if
lying in the open Air as we must, and our men raw and unseasoned
to the Climate. You were pleas'd to assure me by the Coll. and
Commissioner Povey that one hundred Tuns of Brandy were put
aboard the Fleet for the Land Men as well as the Sea Men. We
find a very great failure in this, and our Men die daily, as the
Physicians tell me, for want of it * and Bread, of which last none
must taste five Weeks hence at the rate of half a bisket per diem,
and fresh fiesh and roots put them into Fluxes, which sweep them
away by Ten and twenty per diem frequently. Our planting tools
fall very ehort ; we must have more, Forty setts a piece for Smiths
and Carpenters. I am informed that much of our Cloathing is
spoil'd at Sea with wet ; a Supply of this also with Store of Iron
and steel. Shoes, and Linnen, we want most. Match and flint waste
daily, and not to be supply'd here ; Ammunition also and a new
Squadron of Ships. But I earnestly desire you to press hard for
Swords, and Targets, and black Jacks ; without the last not one
man can march in these torrid Regions, where Water is precious
and scant ; and without the other we shall do little service in these
I Alderman Martin Noel. See Thurloe, iil. 514.
^ See the letters of Venables to Penn. Report on tlu Portland MS. ii. 93.
£
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50 THE NARUATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
perpetual Wildernesses. And if you forget Brandy, Bread, Meal,
Pease, and Rice, never expect good of all that hath been expended,
nor probably shall see us alive. Our wants [are] great ; our
difficulties are many; unruly raw Soldiers, the Major part,
ignorant ; Lazy dull Officers that have a large Portion of Pride,
but not of Wit, Valour, or Activity ; but this must not be made
publick, though I desire my Lord may know it, but no more.
Good Sir, stir for us with Vigour, and you will ever Oblige
Sir, your very humble servant.
Robert Venables/*
A Letter to Mr. Rowe,
' I must of necessity inform you of a jarr that hath lately been
betwixt Capt. Butler and myself, upon information given me of
his setting the Officers in disgust against me, of which several
complaints were made unto me ; whereupon I told him of it, and
indeed call'd him drunken sot ; for when the Treaty was betwixt
the French Govemour and us, he was so drunk that he fell from his
Horse and vomited, of which I have sufficient Witness, and my Lord
Protector was much derided by them for employing such a man as
he was in so honourable employment. Pray sir, If there shall be
any blemishes cast upon me or the Army,* move the Council that
they will not Credit any rumours, but leave their own thoughts
free till they have heard all Parties, and judge upon clear proofs
and Grounds of reason, that the old Adage, vizt. Audi alteram
partem, may be my share is all. I have enclos'd sent you a Copy
of a part of a Letter to Mr. Secretary Thurloe, besides my Weakness,
and the scattering of the Regiments into several Plantations of the
Country, and the departure of the Commissioners and Fleet which
should transport from place to place, and want of Provisions makes
me incapable of doing more service to my Friends.
Sir, I am Your Very humble Servant
June 14th. ROBERT VeNABLES.'
* Again the signature is erroneously given in Long's MS. as • Richard.'
2 Compare the letter of Venables to Penn, May 23. Portland MSS. i^^?^,^^T^
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 51
These things dispatch 'd General Penn prepar'd to return, and
notwithstanding all intreaties, and his own promises to stay
with us till a new Fleet came, which was urg'd, would not be
diverted. But before he took leave he seutto me in June 1655 to
sign a Post Commission, dated December the Eighth, 1654, for
Mr. Poole, his Nephew, to take Charge of the Prizes, and at the
same time a Warrant for his discharge from that place, which
Contained an acquittance also : both which I refused to sign, and by
Letter gave him my reasons, desiring that there might be an
Auditor setled for that and all other Accompts that did Concern
the State, but was refused, but my signing the Warrant and
acquittance earnestly press'd, which I as Constantly denied. The
discharge was not Inserted, but the Sum of his Pay left to me to
Insert.
' By the Commissioners appointed for ordering and managing
the Affairs in America.
Jamaica.
Whereas we lately issued out a Warrant to Mr. William Poole,
Prize OflScer, requiring of him to deliver unto Mr. Samuel Crave,
succeeding him in the said Employment, a perfect Accompt of all
such Prizes and Prize Goods as he the said William Poole hath
been hitherto intrusted withal, as the Prizes and Prize Goods
themselves likewise, and that we find by the Receipt of the said
Samuel Crave that he hath fully and entirely performed what was
requir'd of him by the said Order ; We do therefore hereby declare
that we fully and Completly discharge him the said William Poole
of the said Employment of Prize Officer, And in Consideration of
his pcdns taken therein and faithful Accompt etc' . . .
There were also Letters writ by some of General Penn 's Officers
to some of my Friends to entreat them to perswade me to sign the
Warrant (at least), but all prevailed not with me.
« 2
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52 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Therefore I writ him the following Letter —
' Yours found me in a most weak Condition, my flux as violent
as ever, no rest the last night nor this day, which makes me make
use of another Pen. Concerning the Auditor, it is the place not
the Person I desire to settle, and without which the State will be a
great looser, and your self gave directions here to draw an order for
the same, tho' since M^ Cary assur'd me you denied to sign the order.
But as te M*" Poole, truly I do owe the Gentleman all just respect
and shall pay it, but cannot in this particular, and therefore must
remind you of former passages at Barbadoes. We intended to
settle a Prize Office, and upon your mentioning M*" Poole his
honesty and ability, we Offered to Commission him. You answered
you had done that already. We answered, without our hands he
was not our Officer, and we must joyn others with him ; the
Commission was press'd by us to be accepted ; Invoices, Bills of
Lading &c. call'd for ; none could be got, till at last a Copy of some
examinations, and a Copy of Invoices was brought in, which was
delivered to M*" Cary, and immediately by M*" Poole borrowed back,
and could never be got again, tho' often demanded ; and your self
Answered you saw it delivered in (when it was not to be found),
which we all acknowledged, but wondred, until M*^ Cary told the
Reason before mentioned. Our Warrants to him to deliver any-
thing were declin'd, and your self did answer. You would ordsr
him to Issue forth what we desir'd. We never had Checque upon
him, never saw the Original Invoices, nor his Accompts ; which
caus'd M*" Winslow and myself to resolve to meddle no more in it,
only to receive what was tend red to Carry on the Expedition.
So that how I can vary from that resolution I see not, being as
ignorant of what he hath done Jis the meanest Officer that serves
under me. And tho' I do not intend hereby to blemish the
Gentleman's Integrity, (I desire not to be so understood.) but
profess I cannot see how I can justify my self should I discharge
him (as the Paper tenderd me doth) froni all things, and yet
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 53
know nothing, nor see any Charge against him, save what himself
(a thing unusual) bringeth in. The Letter to his Highness I have
altered to satisfie Capt. Butler, left out the beginning, and made
the latter part what was first agreed upon ; for as it now is altered
it speaks a plain advice from me for your return, which you know
I ever declined to give. Concerning the ordering the Fleet that
stays,* I have reason to be pressing, being so much interessed * with
the whole Army in it, and having a Vote in all things that
tend to advantage this present design, yet like to know nothing
(till you are gone) what our Condition will be, and if my exceptions
be against what you order its not possible to rectifie the same. I
desire it again that so we may see if anything may be amended in it.
Sir, Your Civilities more and more engage, and my power to acknow-
ledge (I dare not say requite) lessens. I pray disfurnish not
yourself for him whose Weakness does not a little stagger the
hopes of a speedy Voyage, tho' I know God can raise from the
dust. Your trouble and want of M"" Lawes I am sensible of, being
my self under (I am certain) as great difficulties. My Service to
the Vice Admiral and Rear Admiral, with the rest of your Officers
and Capt. Poole. I beseech you Sir, think not prejudicially of me
that I cannot Comply with your desires. I shall in anything
in my power manifest myself
Sir, Your very real Servant
Robert Venables.*
June 18th, 1C55.
Here followeth a Certificate of M*". Henry Cary, Secretary to
his Highness Commissioners, who being present at all debates
knew all transactions, and was more Concerned than ordinary
about this business of Prize Goods. He fell sick at Jamaica, and
in the presence of several drew the following relation, and had not
weakness prevented, had enlarged it to all other Occurrences
* Penn*8 commission and instructions to Goodson, dated June 21, are printed
in Tharloe*8 State Papers^ iii. 582. • * Having so much interest/ Povey.
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54 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
according to a Letter he had writ to the Bight Honourable the
Lady K Viscountess Ranalaagh, who finding the Letter did
much clear my Innocency shew'd the same to M*". Secretary
Thurloe, who desir'd it from her Honour to shew it to his Highnes,
but would never return it back again, by which means I am
depriv'd of a most singular evidence as to my Vindication, though
that honourable Lady is ready to testifie what I assert. But
necessity hath Confin'd me to what followeth —
* M*". Henry Gary, Secretary to the Commissioners, is ready to
depose upon Oath, being the Expressions of a dying Man, that
having been an Eye Witness to all the proceedings of the Right
Honourable General Bobert Venables through the whole Course of
this American Expedition, he judges in his Conscience and in the
presence of God, that the said Bight Honourable General Bobert
Venables is not in the least liable to those Malicious censorious
reports which his Enemies Labour to asperse him withal ; which
that it may more fully appear, he thinks good to collect briefly
every one of them as they came to his knowledge.
First, For what may be objected at the Barbadoes that he
neglected the care of the Prize Goods, soe that the State might
judge itself highly Cheated, He testifies that he was often present
when both the said General Bobert Venables and M"^. Edward
Winslow did earnestly press the Bight Honourable General William
Penn to return them in an exact Accompt of all the Prize Goods and
Prize Ships that were at any time siezed on, but he for a long
time refus'd to comply with their requests, but at length presented
them with a copy, (keeping the Original to himself,) which very
copy was desir'd of me the Secretary by M*". William Poole, (Con-
stituted Commissioner of the Prize Oflice by General Penn alone
without the Consent of the other Commissioners, and without a
Cheque to controul his proceedings in case there should be any
miscarriages,) under a pretence of copying out the said Papers,
promising faithfully to return them again immediately ; but not-
withstanding he retained them so long that they were fain to be
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 55
left with the Commissioners of the Prize Office erected at the
Barbadoes, there being no time left for the copying them out, we
being upon the f oint of departure. And that he may make an end
of all that relates to the same business at once he is ready further
to depose :
That the Bight Honourable General Penn intending to depart
for England sent a Commission to be signed by the Bight Honour-
able General Venables, impowering the said William Poole to Act
as Commissioner of the Prize Office, bearing date from the time
General Penn had employed him in the said trust, which was refus'd
by General Venables for three reasons.
1"*. That he had no Cheque all along whilst he discharged the
same.
2*^ Because there was contained in the same a totall and
entire discharge both of the Employment of the said William Poole,
as also of his Accompts, which having not been examined by any
Auditor was thought very unreasonable.
3""^. By reason General Venables and Commissioner Winslow
having heretofore offered to General Penn to sign a Commission to
the said William Poole he slighted their proffer. Notwithstanding
the refusal of General Venables to sign the said Commission for
the reasons aforesaid. General Penn gets Commissioner Butler to
joyn with himself in signing it. And this is the whole truth, and
nothing but the Truth, as I hope to see the face of God.
The next objection of miscarriage in General Venables is
usually the landing at Hispaniola so far of from St. Domingo.
In answer to which the same deponent with the same seriousness
and protestations as in the former deposition testifies, That the
landing so far of was extreamly Contrary both to the Expedition *
and resolution of the said General Venables.'
General Penn during these transactions writ to me the follow-
ing Letter But though Money was press'd for, yet no Auditor
^ Expectation?
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56 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL \'ENABLES
would be established, that M"" Poole's and others Accompts might
be viewed, wherefore I refus'd, but Commissioner Butler, as I was
informed, signed all without scruple.
I have hitherto delay'd a Narrative of some Engagements
betwixt General Penn and myself, which was thus.
At first when I came aboard I began to consider that without
mutual agreement betwixt us all would be destroyed,* and there-
upon told him that if this design did miscarry none would bear the
blame but he and my self, and therefore added that seeing that
our own reputations, the Honour of our Nation, and (which was more
than all other Considerations) the Glory of God whose Gospel we
went to Propagate, did lye at stake, I desired that there might be
that joint affectionate assistance of each to other in all things as
might enable ourselves to discharge our trust, and discourage any
that might endeavour to sow Division betwixt us, which would
ruin -us. He accepted the motion, and we engaged Solemnly to
each other. But how ho performed, giving my men no Victuals,
or too short in proportion, also in denying to lend me Arms for
those that wanted, having spare arms aboard and no use for them,
in sending away our Guide, refusing to run the fleet into the
Haven, Landing us against Vote and desire so far of the Town,
and suffering the Seamen to Traduce me, about which I writ to
him, or whether he could have acted more destructive to the design
than what he did, let all rational Men judge. But being ready to
return for England he writ to me to mind me of our Engagement
without which Letter I could not have proved our Engagement, or
his breach of faith, nor Clear'd my self in several particulars,
especially in trusting to his word and promise, which made me not
so cautious to prevent his designs upon me, for who could have
thought that a man professing Religion, and employed about the ad-
vancement of the Gospel of Christ, durst have acted so much for its
Enemies. He had formerly without the least provocation from me
(save my refusal to sign M"" Poole's acquittance and Commission,
' See Cromwell's letter to Penn, December 20, 1G64, Portland MSS. ii. 89.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 57
and also a Letter to his Highness which contain'd my consent to
his return) sent me a Letter with a strange Close, which followeth —
'Sir
Several Commanders of the Fleet having at the request of the
late Major General and other Land Officers issued out diverse
parcels of Cloaths (laid on board by the State for the use of the
Seamen), for present supplying the necessities of several and
many of the Soldiers in the Cold weather at Coming out of
England, I therefore desire you would be pleas'd to appoint some
person or persons to receive the Accompt thereof, and take some
Course that satisfaction be given to the said Commanders ; for other-
wise they will assuredly be made at Home to pay for the same out
of their own Purses, which will be very hard requital for their readi-
ness to Comply with the said Officers in that exigent. Hoping
you will Consider thereof, and let them have no occasion to
Complain, I rest. Sir,
William Penn/
Swiftsnre 8th June 1655.
But having no return from me unsuitable to our Engagement
of Love, he sent me for his farewell another about some business,
and the Close of it speaks thus —
*Sir
I hope we shall both bear in mind the mutual Promise made
solemnly between us (as in the presence of God) of Love and
affection to be Conserved inviolably between us, and how that if
any sower of sedition should endeavour to dissolve so sacred a Tie,
to discover such Persons and projects either to other. I for my
part have and do firmly adhere to the same, and hope you are
like minded. If you have any Commands to lay upon me now
homeward bound you shall find them with all faithfulness effected,
and that I shall in all things study to be
Sir, Your true Friend and Servant
William Pexn.'
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58 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
I purposely omit the matter of business, the Letter being very
long, and my answer declares what the mattera were. My Letter
foUoweth —
To General Penn.
' I received yours this Instant, being scarce able to hold a Penn,
and weaker than ever. The Merchants debt I desire may be
discharged on the Committee of the Navy ; here are Prize Ships
enough to reimburse them, but for anything I can see if we
Exhaust the Land Treasury, the Army may starve before Supplies
come, and if the Money be above our Sum its considerable,* and
our Commissioners at Barbadoes went beyond their Commissions
and Instructions to Charge Money on us who are so low. And
if you please to draw an order to satisfie them in England I do
hereby engage to join with you in it. For Hides we have few,
except such as are Sold or wet, and they refuse to take them at
the same rates as other Merchants give. The reason I sign'd not
the Bills of Sale of Prize Ships was this : I know your order is
suflScient without my hand, and I must sign with an implicite
faith, not knowing neither their worth, nor Appraisement, and
ignorant of all the rates prescribed in the particular, and some of
those I desir'd might not be Sold, but left to carry on the Service.
Sir, If you would be pleased to send any to receive the Cattle, you
should be fitted hence, or if the Ropes sent hence to lead such we
did send were retum'd, we should serve you to our power, but
neither being done, tho' both desir'd, we are incapacitated to
do it. The abuse offer'd your Men I gave order to have it
Examined, and being found, punished. I desire your help in it.
Sir, my strength is spent, yet one word I cannot omit. I have a
little more of a Gentleman in me than to break any promise or
engagement of Peace and love, having never been of a Contentious
Spirit, and will be found as true of my word as any peraon in the
World shall be unto him who is
Sir, Your Real Friend and Servant
June 21st, 1655. ROBERT VeNABLES.'
' • Inconsiderable,* Lee-To^vTishend MS. ^^ j
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 59
'Sir,
Since the Closing of my Letter there Came a Seaman, who, as
Capt. Bingham and others aver, said that he was sent to overtake
the Paqnet to which this is an answer, and that it was a false and
mistaken thing ; which expression questioning him about, he Con-
fesseth he was sent to stay it, and doth not much deny that other,
which had rais'd some thought in my mind, not being able to
conceive the reason.'
But notwithstanding all my refusals to join in the Sale of
Ships or discharging of Debts with the Land Mens money only,*
when there were Prizes suflScient to defray all, Yet he and Capt*
Butler sold some Vessels that were very good Sailers, good Vessels
and very fit for the Service of those parts, and some of them to
OflScers in the Fleet, who laded them and sent them to Virginia,^
whither himself also fraught the Katherine (which by his Highness
order with all her Ordnance, Sails, and tackling, was given him,
being a Vessel of about Five Hundred Tuns and thirty Pieces of
Ordnance).* And here I should question whether the freights of
these Ships was had, for betwixt England and Barbadoes we touch'd
at no place (and tho' I enquir'd diligently) I could never learn that
he nor his OflScers that freighted those Ships bought one Tun of
Sugar at Barbadoes, or any other Commodities at Hispaniola, not
a Hide. And at Jamaica all the Hides we could get were Sold to
buy Sack and Brandy for the Army. So that I am at a stand to
find out where they could possibly be got, and therefore leave every
one to their own Conjecture.
But before the Fleet departed for England I urg'd for Brandy ;
it was answered there was none for us. I was told in England there
was above a hundred, I think Two hundred Tuns of Brandy aboard
the Fleet for Sea and Land Men ; we took, as I was assur'd from
General Penn and his Cousin Pool, above thirty Tuns more at
> Ck>mpaie Portland MS8, ii. 96.
' Three ships were also despatched to New England for provisions, ib. ii. 94.
» Memorials of Sir W. Penn, ii. SO.
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60 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Barbadoes, but I do not know that the Army ever had Ten Tuns
whilst I was in the Indies.
Whilst the Commissioners and my self were transacting these
matters, some in the Army were not Idle, taking advantage
of my distemper which encreased daily, so that Coll. Buller call'd
a Council of Warr of his own Officers to debate what was fit for
the Army to do, and no body (lest they should add to my
distemper) would tell me of these disorders, which were not at the
first incurable. But Capt. Butler, a Commissioner, falling in with
them upon this account, Mr. Winslow informed General Penn and
me how he was got drunk at Barbadoes, and ran shouting thro'
the Town. Whereupon we sent him with some other Officers
as Commissioner to St. Christophers to dispatch business there,
lest his stay at Barbadoes should disgrace us ; but there in a
Treaty with the French he was so overcome with drink that he fell
from his horse and Vomited, before the French and most of the
English Gentlemen, that the French jeer'd at his Highness Com-
missioners.* These things he practising at Jamaica and neglecting
his Highness' affairs, I told him of it, and desir'd him to reform ;
but he being disgusted hereat associated himself with all discon-
tented Persons, and made it his Business to rail upon and revile
me, as Mr. Wentworths Letter which followeth will testifie —
' May it please your honour.
Yours of the Sixteenth Instant I have received, and after inter-
locution with Lieutenant Newton was well informed of the sudden
departure of this Conveniency, which out of a tender respect I have
to the Vindication of your honour, and that duty which I owe to
Christian profession, I desire to make use of it. These therefore
may inform all whom it may concern, that on Thursday before we
Came with the Marston Moore from Jamaica, I went on shore with
' For Butler^s own account of his proceedings at St. Christophers, see Thurloe
iii. 754. Fortescue terms him * the unfittest man for a commissioner I ever
knew employed.' lb, iii. 650.
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THE NABRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 61
Capt. Butler, who was Commissioner for the Fleet, and saw such
miscarriages by him as I never saw before, and which were not
befitting a Gentleman, which I suppose was thro' excess of drink,
and that several of his near retinue were extreamly discontented
with the aforesaidj^nd that he with them were mutually fomenting
expressions of discontent. I wish my Person or Testimony may
in point of equity serve you : in the mean while these Lines are
attested by
Sir, Your Honours humble Servant
John Wentworth/
Portsmo. Oct: 20th 1655.
This carriage of his towards me gave such incouragement to
some OflScers, such as knew themselves so guilty of misdemeanors
that if I liv'd they must think to suffer, that finding it the only
way to their own security to lay all upon me^ who was not
likely to live to excuse my self to have proceeded on for the time
to come. Coll. Buller, beiog the principal leading Man, and all his
Officers with him came to desire me to take notice of a Vote of a
Council of War, when I being gone to the Fleet to the Com-
missioners, who would not come to me (Capt. Butler residing
there Constantly, as though all his business and Employment had
been only for the Navy and not for the Army). I told you before
how I had ordered the Officers to sit Constantly to order the
quartering of the Army, and to put them into Plantations, whilst
I went to the Fleet. But Buller in my absence forced the
Commissioners to fall about what he and his Officers had before
Consulted about.
So that at my return nothing was done. But Buller came
to desire me to call a Councill to consult about sending into
England now the Fleet was ready to depart. I replyd, I had Writ
already and represented our Condition. He desir'd me however
to Consult the Officers ; he had prepared all to his own mind, and
I knew nothing of all this. Some of his Associates seconded him ;
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62 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
I Consented, and when they were met, I, not being able to stay
with them, told them I must leave the Matter and them together,
being not able to stay. I being gone Buller propounded that an
Agent might be sent to England, for tho' I had writ, yet Letters
were but dead things without one to Solicite, hoping he had
provided himself should be the Man. One of the Officers said
a person without Interest and unacquainted with the passages of
Affairs was as dead as Letters,^ and that none was so interessed in the
Affairs of the Army as the General (who was disabled by sickness),
and was a person of more Interest at Court than any man they could
send. Replies past and in the Conclusion they pass*d the following
Votes, which they presented to me for my Assent.
'At a Council of War held at St. lago De La Vega, the
7th June 1655.^
Present,
Major Gen*. Fortescue,
Coll. Buller, Coll. Carter,
Coll. Doyly, Coll. Holdipe,
Quarter Master Gen^ Rudyard,
Adjutant General Birkenhead,
Lieutenant Coll. Barry,
Major Smith.
Resolved, — That whosoever goes for England to represent the
Condition of the Army, and shall [not] return again within a twelve
month after his departure, shall be uncapable of Receiving benefit
by any Plantation being his proportion as a Member of the Army.
Resolv'd, That we are willing, that if the General please to
take the trouble upon him of going into England to represent the
Condition of the Army and this Island, to procure such relief and
Supplies as shall be needful for the carrying on the design, That
he dispose himself for the Voyage as soon as he shall think
Convenient.
* * as a dead letter,* Povey. ^ Printed in Thurloe's State Papers, iii. 628.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 63
Resolv'd, That some one Officer of the Army be desir'd to go
to attend the General into England, and that the O^cer agreed
upon be Coll. Buller.
We whose names are underwritten, being Field Officers of the
Army (tho' not present at the Council of War before mentioned)
do freely consent to, and approve of the Votes and resolutions of
the said Council, as they are before Expressed.
Phil Ward. Henry Bartlett. Wm. Smith.
JIiCHAEL Bland. Willm. Jordan.'
^Jamaica ISihJuly 1655. — Several Considerations to be humbly
represented to his Highness the Lord Protector and Council in
behalf of the Army in America.*
As we do with all thankfulness acknowledge his Highness
care in ordering Considerable Supplies and Accommodations for the
Army, tho' it pleas'd God thro' his providence to retard them, So
for the future it is humbly desir'd and hop'd, that his Highness
will be pleased from time to time to order, upon the terms formerly
agreed on, Accommodations for Cloathing for Officers and Soldiers,
and all manner of working Tools and Instruments better than
those now received, for the Wood generally is so hard and Tools ^
edges so bad as they are scarce serviceable ; as also Bread, Oatmeal,
Brandy &c. Arms, Ammunition, Plank,' & Medicines &c.
That servants from Scotland or elsewhere may be sent to assist
in Planting, for which the Officers out of their Pay will make such
allowance as his Highness shall think Ht, and Assign them such
proportions of Land as his Highness shall direct, at the Expiration
of their respective Terms. By this means we shall be able to make
provisions for such as are already here, and such as shall be sent
hither by his Highness for further service, and they will be in
' Printed in Thorloe's State Papers^ iii. 661.
» • Edge tools/ Thurloe. » * Physick,' Thurloe.
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64 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
readiness for such other employments as his Highness shall
Command.
That the Allotment and distribution of Land to the respective
Regiments of the Army already approv'd of by his Highness
Commissioners may be ratified by his Highness sanction. The
allotment made to the Christophers Regiment (which is to be
reduc'd) excepted.
That such incouragement as his Highness shall think fit, may
be given and granted to such as shall desire to come from
England, or any other English Colonies.
That in regard it may happen, as by Experience it hath done,
that the Supplies order'd and intended by his Highness may not
seasonably arrive, by I'eason of Contrary Winds, by reason whereof
the Army may be distressed and reduc'd to exigencies, That his
Highness will be pleas'd to enable the Army to take up necessary
Provisions for our Accommodation of such Merchant Ship or Ships
as shall come into the Harbours of this Island, and to draw Bills of
Payment on such Treasury in England as his Highness shall think
fit, the same not exceeding Ten Thousand Pounds.
That for the better ordering and regulating this common-
wealth, and Encouragement of such as desire to live under a Civil
and setled Government, his Highness will be pleased to send such
Constitutions and Laws as his Highness shall think fit for the
Government of this place, or impower such in the place as his
Highness shall approve of to make and Constitute from time to
time such wholesome and necessary Laws, as shall be most fit for
the ordering and Government of things here ; and to erect a Court
and Courts of justice and Equity for deciding Controversies
between Party and Party, and power granted to allow such Officers
AS shall be employed such Sallary as shall be judged needful.
That in regard much inconvenience hath been found by the
distinct and Independant Command of the Army and fleet, his
Highness would be pleased to order that both may be under one
Coramand, and that power may be given to erect Courts of
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Admiralty, and Grant Commissions to private Men of War to
annoy and infest the Enemies of our Nation.
That his Highness would please to allow that such Merchant or
Merchants, as shall be willing to advance the Service and Planta-
tion of this Island, may have all due encouragement ; and that such
Person or Persons as his Highness shall please to authorize and
Appoint here, may be enabled to treat or Contract with him or them
accordingly.
That forasmuch as the Officers have found by sad Experience,
that the Generality of the Private Soldiers of this Army are Men
of low Spirits, apt to receive impressions of fear, and basely to
desert their Officers and Service, his Highness be humbly desir'd for
the more effectual carrying on the War in these parts, to order a
Considerable supply of well disciplined, approved, and Experienc'd
Soldiers, such as have been accustom'd to hardship in Ireland or
elsewhere, Well accommodated with Provisions, Leather Bottles,
Tents &c.
Richard Holdipe. John Read. William Jordan. Edward
Doyly. Henry Archbold. Henry Bartlett. Robert Smith.
Philip Ward. Michael Bland. William Smith. Richard
Fortescue. Samuel Barry. Andrew Carter. Vincent Corbett.
Francis Barrington.'
These proceeding proposals were also given me from the Army
to present to his Highness in order to the better setling of Affairs,
and preventing for the future what had fonnerly been the
prejudice of the Army. Both these were delivered to me to
present to his Highness in England, but I made not any haste to
go, intending to settle things fully there, but my flux encreasing so
exceedingly that about three Weeks after I sent to General Penn
and Capt. Butler to let them know I now despair'd of Life, desiring
them to come that we might break open his Highness last and
Close Commission, which was thus Indors'd, * Not to be open*d but
in Case of the death, disability, or absence of one, or both the
F
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66 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Generals/ (I had for about a fortnight before left the Command of
the Army to Major General Fortescue and was now Confin'd to my
bed.) They delay'd two days, though I sent several Messengers.
At last I caus'd it to be open'd before the Officers, and according
to its Contents nominated Major General Fortescue, and resigned
my Command to him, signed his Commission, and General Penn
joyn'd in it.* Capt Butler came into my Chamber just as I had
resign'd my Command, and Spake to the Officers to acknowledge
Major General as their Commander in Chief. Butler finding
Symptoms of Death upon me, he and BuUer smil'd upon each other
(which I observ'd with some trouble of mind,) but he ^ refus'd to joyn
with me to appoint a General in my place, according as the Commis-
sion required. The Words of the Commission ran thus. ' We do
impower you (naming the Commissioners), or any two, or one of
you, the rest being Dead or absent, that in Case General Venables
die, be disabled, or absent, that then you, or any two or more of
you as aforesaid, do Choose and appoint some other Person whom
you judge most fit to succeed in his place to carry on the Service
there &c.' ^ Vice Admiral Goodson was appointed by the Commis-
sion in General Penn's place upon the same grounds and Occasion.
Within two days after I fell into a Calenture, and now I cannot
relate any thing to my own knowledge, but I find by Circumstances,
as well as others relation, that I continued in this distraction about
one Month, and was then in that condition carried on board, the
Physicians advising it, in regard that no means they could use
did prove effectual to help me, and my flux having stopt at Sea
whilst we came between Hispaniola and Jamaica, theyhop'd it might
stay again ; however it was but an adventure, no hurt could follow
' On the opening of this Commission see Thurloe, iii. 674-5. It was opened by
Mr. Long, Secretary to the CJommissioners.
'^ I.e, Butler.
^ Both the commissions to Fortescue and Goodson, dated one June 24, the
second June 25, are printed in Thurloe, iii. 581- 2.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 67
to try, for at Land I could not live,* and at Sea perhaps I might
recover, and if not, it was not material whether Worms or Fish
eat that poor and almost consumed remainder of me. Upon this,
I was carried on board, July 1655, and there kept nine or ten days,
expecting I would certainly die, at last we put to Sea, where others
that went pretty well on board died within a few days, And I the
first night slept soundly, neither the jactation of the Sea, nor the
Noise of the Men disturbed me, So that within a Week I recovered
my Senses again.^
But before I take leave of Jamaica I cannot but with trouble
of Spirit remember the sad Condition of the Army, being infected
with diseases, swept away by Forty, Fifty, Sixty, Yea, some Weeks
a hundred, by fevers, fluxes caus'd by their want of Food or
unwholsome diet, necessity causing them rather to choose un-
sound or unhealthful food than none at all, the Seamen not
delivering bread and brandy, the chief preservers against fluxes
in these parts, delaying our Supplies tho' daily urg'd by us,
sometimes pretending one thing then another; tho' this was
spoken of before, yet being now more than ever neglected, I
cannot but speak of it again, and desire the Reader to look back
into Capt. Howes and M"" Daniels Letters writ from hence, and
upon the occasion of the Army necessities. M*" Daniel being our
Commissary received the Provisions from the Seamen, and therefore
best able to speak of their demeanors; and what he writ he
complain'd of to me before their faces, justifying the baseness and
rottenness of the bisket, and their denying to weigh it, but
requiring acquittances from him and Captain Bamford for what
quantity they pleas'd to name, or else refusing to deliver any
at all.
The Officers and Soldiers press'd to have their trunks on shore,
but were not permitted to go on board for them, and some of
* Compare Whistler's Journal, under June 21. The fleet sailed June 25.
Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 126.
^ See the two Letters of Venables in Thurloe, iv. 22, 23.
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68 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
them Complain'd that the Seamen had carried their necessaries
back into England when they returned with General Penn ;
wherefore Major Gen* Fortescue writ to me several times when I
had occasion to go to the Commissioners about business, they
keeping on board and refusing to come to me to dispatch business ;
80 that how weak so ever or unfit for business or travel I were,
yet I must go to them (that were in health), or all must sink or
swim for any Care that they took.
His letters follow —
* May it please your Excellency,
The Army are in great want of Provisions, as also of Match
and Gun Powder, and that if you please to order a sudden March
its necessary the Soldiers be supply'd with Bisket, at least such of
them as shall be drawn forth for any Service. I desire your
Excellency will please to inform General Penn of the general
Complaint of OflScers and Soldiers of the Seamens refusal to
carry them on board to fetch their Goods. If he would please to
appoint any certain day when Officers and Soldiers should come to
receive their Goods, and that Boats may attend that business,
and so make but one trouble of it. We want our Hoes and
Mattocks &c.
Your most humble Servant
Richard Fortescue.'
May 29th 1655.
'According to your order I sent Four Hundred Men Commanded
by Major Bamford with Sixty Horse to fetch up the Provisions
and Ammunition, which General Penn promised should be Landed
early this morning, whereby we might have been enabled to
march according to your order towards the Enemy, who still
remain refractory, as appears by the enclos'd. But Contrary to
expectation one of my Officers return'd and came fh)m the Sea side,
and assures me there was no Provisions landed when he came away.
Sir, The Soldiers have not had any Provisions almost forty-eight
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hours but one bisket a Man since they came hither, by reason
whereof they grow very weak and are much enfeebled. I have
enquired concerning the ways and passages leading to the place
where the Enemy are encamped, which is from hence eight
Leagues, and I am assured that there is but one way, and none
other nigh it ; much of it is throngh Savannas, part through
a Mountain, Water some part at the end of two Leagues, some
part half a league.
According to the enclosed relation etc.'
May 1655.
* Upon receipt of your letter I summoned the Field OflScers and
with their advice drew out two Parties, one of a Thousand Four
hundred to march by Land, and another of Six hundred to be trans-
ported by Sea, and have appointed Officers to Command them ; but
when I sent Commissary Daniel to take an Account of the Pro-
visions sent last night' by the Party, being thirty bags of Cassavy,
he Certifieth under his hand, and will aver before you, that the
whole weight is not two thousand Pounds, as appeareth by the
enclosed particular, which is judg'd too small a proportion, not only
for the Army, but the Party Commanded out. I have therefore sent
M"" Daniel with the advice of the Officers to inform you of our
Condition, and that we conceive there was a great mistake in those
that sent the Provisions on shore, who alledged there was Six
Thousand weight, and demanded a Receipt accordingly, but Major
Bamford refus'd to give them a Receipt for so much weight, because
all the Baggs were broken, and much of the Bread embezled. The
truth is the Army generally are in a very weak condition for want
of provisions. The Party I sent down yesterday to the Sea side
could have brought treble the quantity that was sent. If we might
know how much should be landed, we would send parties accord-
ingly. I do with the Officers advice represent the Armys condition
to you. We want medicines for the Chyrugeons.'
May 1655.
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Here followeth the Testimony of Lieu* Coll. Ward. He aflSrms
that being on board the Matthias on Saturday the Eighth of June
1655, enquiring of Capt. Kirby, Commander of the said Vessel, con-
cerning some Copper belonging to the A.rmy in the said Vessel,
the said Capt. Kirby said that he Received a Check of General Penn
for revealing what Stores he had in his Ship, with this saying, You
can have no Stores on board you, but you must be babling.
Phill. Ward.
Memorandum There was in the Ships Cabin when this was
spoken Capt. Pegg, Lieutenant Coll. Bushel sick in bed, Mr.
Garvenor, and Commissary Pain.
So that all may see how the premisses of Gen* Desbrow were
made good to us, who assur'd us that what was on board should be
for the Land Men as well as the Seamen, and also what Civilities
we might expect from the Seamen to afford us relief out of their
own Stores, who conceal'd and with held our own from us.
Their wants and sufferings I suppose were the Cause which
mov'd the OflScers to desire my return for England to represent
them to his Highness, but I was never permitted to speak ; only
M** Secretary Thurloe writ to me (when in the Tower) to send to him
the OflBcers humble Considerations, which were directed to his
Highness, which I did but never heard more.^
And now being on board I shall take leave of Jamaica., set sail
for England to discharge my trust to the state and Army, in
representing the Condition of those parts, and what might most
advance the Service, and which way was most probable the design
to be carried on, which I did in the Tower. I had a most com-
fortable and sweet passage homeward, and when I came North-
ward gather'd strength exceedingly (my weakness considered).
We landed safely at Plymouth, September the tenth 1655, having
not felt one Storm, but that was to follow at Land. So soon as I
came to Portsmouth I writ to his Highness as followeth ^ —
' But see Cal, S. P. Dam. 1665, p. 365. « Thurloe, iv. 21.
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*• May it please yoar Highness
I doubt not but General Penn hath inform'd your Highness of
the weak Condition he left me in, out of which all that saw me
judg'd it was impossible for me ever to recover. Even the
Physicians despair'd, except Change of Air did [help me], tho* it
was doubted I could not live to be put on board ; yet being death
was certain if I stay'd, it was resolv'd to adventure me, in regard
I could but die.
The extream wants of your forces in the Indies were also
recommended to me to represent (by the OflScers) to your
Highness ; but being my great weakness disabled me to travel by
Land, I am at present incapacitated to discharge that trust, unless
it shall please the Lord to give more strength, or bring me about
by Sea. And in the interim that your Highness may be blessed
with prosperous success in all your pious [and honourable] designs,
and be Temporally and eternally happy, is and shall be the Prayer
of,
Your Highness most humble and faithful Servant
R. Venables.'
[Aboard the Marston Moore in Portsmoath
roade, Sept. the 9th, 1655.]
To Mr, Secreta/ry Thurloe
* Honored Sir,
I do perswade myself that you have had a report by General
Penns Fleet of my death, which was most probable, my returning
being despair'd of by all men, even the Physicians, and Change of
Air as the last of remedies (all others failing), tho' it was thought
per most I should never see the Sea ; Yet being I could but die,
it was resolv'd to adventure me, tho' I was a meer Skelleton, and
had by times been in a raving condition about three Weeks, and
Continued so about a Week after I came on Ship board, and yet
Continue but Skin and bones, and so weak that T cannot ride or
' Thurloe, iv. 22.
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72 THE NAERATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
scarce sit, except very easy ; and therefore not able to travel by
Land, but must Come about up Thames, though my heart longs
to inform his Highness of the State of his Affairs in the West
Indies ; and indeed haste is exta'eamly necessary. If the Lord
bring me alive to London, I shall fiilly inform you of all, which I
dare not Commit to paper, being Constrained to make use of
another's hand ; for which your pardon is earnestly desir'd by
Your very humble Servant,
Robert Venables/ ^
[Aboard the Marston Moore near St. Ellens
point, this 9th of Sept. 1655.]
To tlie Lord Lambert
* My Lord,
My death being reported by most, and the impossibility of my
recovery believed by all General Penns Fleet, I perswade myself
hath by them come to your ears, so that you would rather suppose
the certain news of my death had now been brought you, than
that I am in the Land of the living and so near you. And indeed
all men, yea the very Physicians despair'd of my Life, the Air being
so much my Enemy ; and therefore it was resolv'd I should go to
Sea, tho' most (and those not the least judicious) thought I should
never come on board alive, yet being I could but die, it was re-
solved to adventure me, tho' I was but a meer Skelleton, and had
per times been in a raving Condition about three Weeks, and Con-
tinued so a Week after I came on Ship board, and yet Continue but
Skin and bone, so weak that I cannot ride or scarce sit, except very
easy, and therefore not able to travel by Land to London, but must
come about up Thames, though my heart longs to inform his Highness
of the State of his Affairs in the West, but indeed haste is extreamly
necessary. If the Lord bring me alive to London, I shall fully inform
^ A postscript is added in the version in Thurloe, iii. 22 : 'If the Lord grant
me the mercy to see your face, I shall acquaint you with all the extreme wants
and diffioultyes I have struggled with, as alsoe such mutinous and discontented
spiritts as have acted to the great prejudice of his Highness, and if not redressed
will (hazard at least) mine the whole aime'and designe.'
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 73
you of all which I dare not commit to paper, being constrained to
make use of anothers hand, for which your pardon is earnestly
desir'd by,
My Lord, Your Lordships most humble Servant
R. Venables.'
The like was writ to Coll. Sidenham and General Desbrow." But
tho' I pressed earnestly to come to London by Sea, yet was denied,
being so weak that I had like to have died on board before I came
to Land ; however being Commanded to come away, I got a Coach,
and one to support me in it, and so came to London, and the same
day went to Secretary Thurloe to acquaint him that I desir'd to
wait on his Highness; he appointed me to attend the next
morning to that end ; which I did,^ and was at last call'd in
before his Highness and the Councill, who demanded of me
who sent for me ? T answered, the Army had desir'd me to come
to represent to his Highness the state of his affairs there, and
their extream wants. He then demanded of me, if I had ever read
of any General that had left his Army, and not Commanded back ?
I reply'd, I supposed History would clear it, tho* my memory
discomposed by sickness could not at present call it to mind, and at
last named the Earl of Essex. He reply'd, a sad example, and
ask'd me if I had anything else to say in my defence ? I reply'd,
I did not expect to be call'd to an Account for this thing, and was
not prepai^ed to answer ; and humbly Crav'd respite for a few days
that I might peruse my Papers, and Consider the thing fiilly, and
I would then give him a full Answer. He denied me that most
just liberty, which a Heathen denied not to Paul, to have time and
place to defend himself. I humbly beg'd it again, and was denied,
and this added, that I must then speak, or what I had spoke
would be looked upon as all I could say. I then reply'd, I had
the Army's Vote, which I then produc'd, and desir'd it might be
* A letter to Penn of the same date is printed in Portland MSS. ii. 97.
« Sept 20, 1655. CaL SJ*, Dom. 1656, p. 343.
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74 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
read, but was denied, and I was told Coll. BuUer was the Armys
Agent. I reply'd, I humbly Conceiv'd my self was the Man, and he
only my assistant ; and again press'd to have the Votes read to
justifie my allegation, but was denied, and urg*d for my further
Answer. I said I was wasted with sickness, so that I was
incapacitated to counsel my self, much less able to Command or
direct the Army ; and that I stay'd above a month after those
Votes before I came away, to see if I should recover so as to be
able to discharge the duty of my place, but grew daily worse till I
was at last deprived of senses, and knew not what I did or spoke, and
in that Condition (by the Physicians advice) I was carried on Ship
board to try if the sea would (as it had formerly) stop my Flux, for
if I stay'd at Land I was a dead Man and it was but the trial of one
Experiment, Whether the Pish or Worms must eat me. Besides,
I added, his Highness Commission, which was endorsed thus : * not to
be open'd except in case of the Death, disability, or absence, of one or
both the Generals', the which words also running thro' the body
of the Commission in such causes to impower the Commissioners to
choose a new General, which Commission was executed accordingly,
and Major General Fortescue chose into my place a Month or near
thereabouts before I came away, and Executed the same
accordingly. I added I had much more to say, but except I had
time (which I again earnestly beg'd, but was denied) I could not at
present add any more ; however I craved my weakness of memory
might not be made my crime.
I was commanded forth, and presently Mr. Scobell sent to me
for the Officers Votes, which I desir'd him to give me a Copy of,
but he did not, but I had a Copy before. I waited ; at last the
Council rose. I met with Coll. Sidenham, who told me he was
sorry for me, and that the hand of God should be the cause of my
suflFering, for he said my sentence was severe. I spoke also to the
Lord President Laurence to know his Command, not being in a
Capacity to attend ; he told me the Clerk would acquaint me with
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their order, and that I must stay, which I did ; and the Serjeant at
last came to me and acquainted me with the Councils order, with a
very Civil Apology for his Actiug. I mov'd that he would give me
leave (being fasting and very weak) to go home, or at least to some
cooks-shop for some refreshment, and time to send for some
necessaries to carry with me to the Tower. All which with much
compassion and respect he granted, so that I retum'd home with
his Servant, assuring him that if he would trust me I would that
night present myself with the Councils Warrant to the Lieutenant
of the Tower; for I was not able to go, much less fly, and that I
was not conscious to my self of any guilt, and scorned to bring
my Innocencie and former Service so much [into question] as to
blemish my self with a thought to escape or fly. When I came
home some Friends came to visit me, who ofier'd their services to
Assist me in any thing they could. Whereupon I writ to the
Lord President Laurence, and drew up a Petition which my Wife
and friends presented, both which follow —
* My Lord,
After your Lordship was pleas'd to tell me that the Clerk of
the Council would acquaint me with your resolves, I found Mr.
Serjeant Dendy to be the Man that brought it, and a very sad one,
which afflicts me more than (I perswade myself) the news of
Death, being that my most dear reputation, Purchas'd with the
Loss of my Blood and Limbs, and thirteen Years faithful and not
unsuccessful Service, and all call'd into question by this blow. I
perceive my Plea of his Highness additional Instructions for the
Choosing a Commander in Chief, (in Case of the death ^ disability, or
absence, of either of those then in Commission,) is wholly wav'd, it
presupposing all these, which must needs induce me believe my
Coming away was no such Capital Oflence.
Your Lordships Piety and Confidence of your favour herein
hath emboldened me to move your Lordship to present the Enclosed
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76 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLE8
Petition to his Highness, if your Lordship judge it meet, which is
submitted to your Lordships pleasure by
My Lord your most humble and aflBicted Servant,
R. Venables.'
The 3 Queens in
James Street, 7br. 20th, 1655.
To his Highiess the Lord Protector of England Scotland
mid Ireland, September 20th, 1655
' Sheweth,
That upon signification of your Highness displeasure in his
Commitment to the Tower, he humbly by Petition made his
Address to your Highness that a Confinement to his Chamber
might at present be only inflicted, in regard of his great weakness,
and many pressing Occasions ; but that (as he humbly Conceives)
not Coming in season to your Highness, he again humbly im-
ploreth your Highness favourable Consideration of his affiicted
Condition, and his great weakness yet Continuing ; and since
that time some further fear of its encrease arising, he is necessi-
tated most humbly to implore your Highness so far to Commiserate
his sad Condition, as to grant him so much enlargement as may
afibrd the benefit of air and Physick for his recovery ; and that he
also may have opportunity to represent to your Highness the
Series of his management of that trust your Highness did Commit
to him. Wherein if he be not able to evidence he hath been
faithful, tho' Providence denied Success, he shall (with much more
quietness of heart) undergo any further mark of your Highness
displeasure. And your Highness favour herein shall engage your
Petitioner ever to Pray.
R. Venables.'
I desir'd that I might be only Confin'd to my Chamber, in
regard of my extream weakness, that so I might use the help of
Physick for my recovery, and ofier'd Ten Thousand Pounds Bond,
and Persons to be Security with me, who would also be bound
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 77
body for body, that they would (if I recovered) bring me in to
answer any Charge that should be brought against me when ever
call'd to; but all was refus'd, so that I was that night, being
the [20th] of September 1655, Carried to the Tower and deliver'd
Prisoner to the Lieutenant of the Tower, Coll. Barkstead, since
knighted by his Highness, and the Warrant for my Commitment
which here foUoweth —
' Oliver P^.
Whereas General Robert Venables, being General of the English
forces sent into America, hath without Licence deserted the Army
Committed to his Charge, contrary to his Trust, These are there-
fore to will and require you to receive and take into your Custody
in our Tower of London the body of the said General Robert
Venables, herewith sent unto you, and him to keep in safe Custody
until you shall receive order from us to the Contrary ; hereof you
are not to fail as you will answer the Contrary, and this shall be
your Warrant in that behalf. Given at Whitehall this Twentieth of
September 1655.
To John Barkstead Esq.
Lieutenant of oar Tower of London.'
I had not Continued many days in the Tower but several
Friends came to Visit me ; some perswading me to submit myself
to his Highness, for if I came to a trial I would be Sentenc'd, but
I still desir'd a hearing ; some others told me, that some Godly
Men were told that it would not be well taken if they went to
Visit me, for that the visits of Godly Men did make me Stubborn,
and kept me from Submission, and thus it was sought to set Godly
Men against me as my Enemies, and to deprive me of the Comfort
of their Company, Counsel, and Prayers. My friends were not
Idle, but mov'd for enlargement for Air in order to Physick and
Health ; and at last the Lady Melton (to whom General Lambert
was ever respective) had this return from him, that she must per-
swade me to submit, and I should be enlarged. She sent me word
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78 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
of it, as also of her answer, which was, That so the next day I must
be cried about the Streets. If they had any fault to charge me
with she desir'd them to proceed against me, or to set me at
liberty if Innocent. Presently after the Lord Fleetwood, Lord
Deputy of Ireland, was pleas'd to honour me with his Person ; to
whom after other discourse, I said I look'd upon my self as a
Prisoner for form only, and not for Offence, it being fit that a
private person should rather bear the blemish of any miscarriage
than the Publick ; and that I was content so to do, but desir'd
him not to let me be too much a sufferer, for before I would die
like a Dog I would speak like a Man. He desir'd me to give him
an Account of the State of those parts for his own private satisfac-
tion, and that he would not impart them to any other, which I
did. He promised me to his utmost friendship, which did much
satisfie me that there was not anything of concernment or moment
Charged against me, otherways I supposed he would not have made
me so large a Promise.
About the tenth of October, 1655, Mr. Eaton, Pastor of the
Church of Stockport,^ came to see me, and within a few days brought
me a message from my Lord Fleetwood, which was that he desir'd
me to send him Answers to Six Queries for his own private satis-
faction. The several Queries with my Answers here follow.
* My Lord
Mr. Eaton toQd] me you desir'd satisfaction to some particulars ;
he mention'd them, to which I beseech you receive the Answers.
1'* Was a Contention betwixt General Penn and me about place ?
Truly I know not that ever we strove save to give precedency
each to other, tho' usually he had it at Sea, and I at Land ; only Mr.
Winslow told me at Barbadoes, that General Penn, having seen
the Commission and Instructions at Portsmouth (which I did not),
he excepted against my being named first, upon which (all being
I Samael Eaton, d. 1665. A life of Eaton is given in the Dictionary of
National Biography.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 79
still unknown to me) he was named first in the Instructions, and I
in the Commission, which the rayzures (as Mr. Winslow bad me
observe) caus'd me to believe.
2**^^ That I took too much State upon me at Barbadoes.
My Lord, I confess that I remember not anything of that
Nature, neither doth my heart accuse me of any Act, (I confesse
the Sin in my heart is a burthen if something else restrained
not) but conceive the ground of this report, (and have heard it)
arises from the Governor of Barbadoes his Marshall going before him
and me bare headed to Church ; which I could not avoid, lodging at
his House, and it hath been and yet is the practice of that Island,
that whether the Governor goeth or rideth his Marshall goeth with
him and bare headed. And I think twice my Marshall without
order from me went in that Posture before us to Church, but if any
can prove that my Marshall did ever ride or go with me at all,
much less bare headed as the others did, I confess the fault.
S'^ That factions in the Army were occasioned by the Conduct.
I answer that before I went I confessed my unfitness for such a
Command, and do believe that true, yet I can prove that fell out
thus. That Major General Heynes expected the Command in
Chief, and went out of England in that Confidence that I would
not come, and before we left Barbadoes I had many strong pre-
sumptions that he hop'd to gain the same.
4*** As for our long stay at Barbadoes.
I answer that a person of Honour Charg'd it as a fault upon me
that I left that place before our stores came ; and indeed my Lord
all the OflScers grug'd at it, neither did we stay longer than to
provide necessaries for the Fleet and Army, which were exceedingly
retarded by some of the Inhabitants.
5*^ Landing too much to the Leeward.
My Lord, my self and Officers did Vote for the River Hine,
except beaten off, and General Penns Instructions were that he
should transport us from place to place as the Service did require,
and the Guide did bring us Westward of the River. I am no Sea-
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80 THE XARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
man and profess'd my trouble at the thing, as I can prove, neither
knew I any port or part of that Coast. When I went to General
Penn I knew nothing but that our Guide (as he told me) was
aboard the Vice Admiral to bring us to the River, till I was told
we were past it.
6*'^ Marching about when Major General Hejmes advised a
nearer way.
My Lord, we had not one man amongst us that knew one foot
of the way from oar Landing place to the River Hine, and there^
fore no man can say we went out of our way there ; and when we
came to the River there was a foord which we searched for, but
ound none. Coll. Buller (who was ordered by General Penn to
stay at the foord for us) march'd against order away, and carried
the Guide with him, which put us Ten or twelve miles out of the way
about. But Major General Heynes and Capt. Butler were earnest,
notwithstanding our men were long fasting, to march to seek
Buller, lest he might be cut off, which we did and no man knows
but we went the nearest way, and I believe there was no other.
My Lord,
I have briefly given your Excellency an account, according as
the shortness of the time did suggest things to my thoughts, but I
have some thing to add when I have with more deliberation con-
sidered the particulars, and therefore humbly desire that this may
not be taken as the utmost can be pleaded by. My Lord
Your Excellencys very humble and Obliged Servant
R. Venables.*
Tower, Oct. 26, 1656.
I could have spoken more fully and more particularly all
particulars, but I conceived this general Answer most rational, and
therefore reserved for a trial, if call'd to it. After this M*" Eaton
came to me again, and desir'd me to draw a petition and he would
present it to his Highness, and my Lord Fleetwood did promise to
assist him in it. Whereupon I drew the following Petition.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 8 J
Oct. 23"! 1655. To his Highness the Lord Protector of
England Scotland and Ireland.
The Humble Petition of Robert Venables.
* Sheweth,
That upon the signification of your Highness displeasure in his
Commitment to the Tower he made his humble address by Petition
to your Highness that a confinement to his Chamber might only
have been inflicted for some time, in regard of his present weakness,
and many occasions which much press'd him ; but that not being
delivered, as he humbly conceives, until after his Commitment, he
now most humbly imploreth that your Highness Clemency may so
far Commiserate his sad affliction, as to grant him so much of
enlargement from his imprisonment that he may be enabled to make
use of some means for his Health, and may have an Opportunity
to lay before your Highness the whole Services of his behaviour
in the business he hath been so unhappy in ; wherein if he be not
able to manifest he hath behav'd himself faithfully, tho' accompanied
with Cross providences, he is ready to abide with much more
satisfaction any further or other mark of your displeasure, and your
Highness favour herein shall Oblige Your Petitioner ever to pray
Robert Venables.'
Some few days after M"". Eaton retum'd to me, and told me
his Highness was in great rage upon the reading of it, and cast it
away, saying I would cast the blame of all upon him. After this
M**. Eaton came to me and told me there were some further
exceptions against me, to which I gave him my Answers which
here follow : —
Objec. Ist. A proclamation against Pillage.
Ans. I did nothing in that but what was the Commissioners
order, which by my Instructions I was bound to observe and there-
fore, though against my judgment (which is before cleared), yet was
constrained to do it, lest the neglect should be Charg'd upon me.
2nd. Our landing to the Westward.
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Ans. I was no Seaman, and knew not any Port, and must
land where the Seamen would bring me. Myself and Officers
voted the Eiver Hine, from which place, unless beat off, we
resolved not to go, as the Votes yet extant will declare, but our
Guide brought us elsewhere, which was not my fault, that part
of the service belonging to the Seamen over whom I had no
command.
3rd. Our retreat the first time after the enemy was beaten.
Ans. Ist. Our Men at that instant were fasting forty eight
hours, and both Men and Horses died of Thirst.
2d. They wanted Ammunition.
3d. Our Guide was slain in the fight.
4th. It was dark we could not see a place to assault.
5th. If we could we had no Ladders.
6. Had we marched up the River it was five Miles, [and]
thro' Woods, and no Guide to lead us, and subject to ambushes,
and also the Town would lye between us and our Fleet. The
retreat was Voted for these reasons by a Council of War.
Objec. 4th. The drawing of[f] the Mortar Piece.
Ans. The Army had a pannick Terror upon them, so that the
Officers said, as Soldiers we were bound to go on, but as Christians
they would not advise it, seeing the Soldiers had lost their hearts,
and ever left their Officers. The Fire Master came in and offered
to take the place with the Mortar Piece ; upon which the Officers
Voted they would not draw off before the next day ; at Sun rise
the Pioneers would not be drawn nor any other, tho' myself and
Officers did so long as we could stand on our legs endeavour to
procure Men to work for money or any reward, but none would,
and Capt. Hughes refus'd to play the Piece without a Breast-
work, so that he declining, and no workmen to be got, according
to the Councils Votes, the Army fainting for water, we were
forc'd to retreat.^
» But see Clark Papers^ iii. 67 ; Thurloc, iii. 507 ; Memorials of Sir William
Penny ii. 90.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 83
Objec. 5th. My breaking up the Commission alone.
Ans. I sent for the Commissioners, and when no Man expected
my Continuance in this life for twenty four hours, they delay'd
two days ; and then only Capt. Butler came ; so that unless I
should have suffer'd his Highness Service to be prejudiced, for the
Instructions being in my hands if lost as possibly they might, all
had been in confusion, and therefore the necessity of his Highness
Service requiring it, I hop'd I did that which another neglected
for the good of his Service.
M'^. Eaton told me also he had spoken to his Highness Con-
cerning me, who said to him, * bring a paper from him, and I will
get the business of his Liberty effected,' which M'. Eaton told me,
and added that he thought his Highness intended the last paper
I gave him containing my answer to the last Objections.
Whereupon I drew one for him, which he delivered to his Highness ;
which his Highness when he bad read it was displeas'd with, and
cast it from him again, and said it was not the Paper. And that
he observed that time and ever after his Countenance was changed
against me, for he expected a Petition acknowledging an Errour.
M*^. Eaton went to my Lord Fleetwood, and shewed him a Copy
of my Petition before mentioned, who told him that would not
please, for it desir*d a trial, and My Lord expected a Submission.
Whereupon M"^. Eaton came to me and told me all. Upon which
he concluded I must die in Prison, except I acknowledged a fault,
and earnestly press'd me to try what I could say. I reply'd, I
would never be a knave upon record under my own hand, being
innocent. If I had offended why was I not Qaestioned ? He said
it would never be used to my prejudice. Upon which I writ to
his Excellency the Lord Fleetwood as foUoweth,
' My Lord,
M'^. Eaton came to me this morning, and gave me a sad account
of the dislike conceived against my Petition. The Reason of my
drawing of it in that form (having none to advise me) was because
a 2
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84 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
I thought his Highness and Council did desire to see me Cleared of
such aspersions as were by others cast upon me, especially in a printed
Paper, which they were pleas'd to suppress and imprison the
Printers ; besides I do hear some others do intend a Charge against
me, and should I acknowledge my self guilty of what that Paper
or they say, I should wrong my Conscience and Cause, and also
exclude my self from all other Plea in my own defence ; but tho'
it have disgusted, yet it was not so intended, and I am not a little
sorry that it was Construed otherwise than what was my aim and
end. But what is charged upon me as a fault, Vizt. My return
home, I shall in that particular throw my self at his Highness feet,
so far as I act not against Conscience (which I hope is not
desir'd), and wave all Arguments which I might alledge in my
own behalf. I do confess my heart did run homewards, in regard
that after near four months trial I grew daily worse and nearer
death.
2ndly. The great wants of the Army and my unusefulnes there,
yet judg'd I might do more good here.
3rdly. The great disorder and wickedness in the Army, which
tho' I endeavour'd by all means to suppress. Yet
4thly. The OflBcers were so far from assisting that they rather
endulged the Soldiers, never punishing Swearing nor drunkenness,
but admonishing [only], and am most heartily griev'd that I could
do no better Service there and have Offended his Highness by my
return, whose Service your Excellency knoweth I desire to promote,
tho' restrain'd, and whose prosperitie, with success to the Cause of
God in his Management, is by none more unfeignedly pray'd for
than, My Lord,
Your Excellencys very humble Oblig'd Servant,
Robert Venableb.'
Tower, Got. 26th 1655.
I also drew up this ensuing Petition.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 85
* To his Highness the Lord Protector of England, Scotland, and
Ireland.
The humble Petition of Eobert Venables
Sheweth,
That your Petitioner being made sensible of your Highness
displeasure Conceiv'd against him for his return home without
your Highness licence (his distemper depriving him of ability so
maturely to Consider the thing as the weight of the matter did
require), he cannot but in Conscience endeavour to remove the
great prejudice your Highness hath contracted against him for
that inconsiderable Act, but most humbly implores that your
Highness in Clemency would be pleas'd to Commiserate his sad
weak Condition and sufferings, and to wave your Highness indigna*
tion (occasioned by that indiscreet Act) against him, and grant him
enlargement from his sad Confinement. And as in duty bound he
shall not only endeavour but ever Pray &c.
EoBERT Venables.'
It is evident this Petition owns no fault save the hand of God
upon me depriving me of my sences, and that I came away in
that condition, but what I had to plead in my justification shall
follow. For this was extorted from me, and M^ Eaton, whom I
ever honoured as my Chiefest friend, over entreated that from me
which all other Persuasions besides threatenings could not induce
me to yield unto. This Petition M*". Eaton delivered, and solicited
the same some few days, but having stay'd about three Weeks in
London, and dispatched all his own Occasions he came to me and
took leave of me, I desir'd his stay a few days, but he would not,
yet did not doubt but God would appear for me, and deliver me
thence, and clear my innocency. Upon which I mov'd the R^
Honourable the Lady Viscountess Raualaugh and Sir John
Clotworthy, who in two days brought my discharge, of which here
foUoweth a Copy.
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86 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
' Oliver P.
These are to will and require you forthwith to release and set
at Liberty the body of Robert Venables now Prisoner under your
charge in our Tower of London, our former Warrant for his
Commitment to your Custody notwithstanding; hereof you are
not to fail, and this shall be your suflScient Warrant. Given at
Whitehall this thirtieth day of October 1655
To John Barkstead Esq.
Lieutenant of our Tower of London.'
* Wednesday the SVK of October 1655 at the Council at White-
hall. Upon reading a Letter from General Venables directed to
the Lord President, taking notice that he had seen the Councils
Vote of Yesterday * Concerning his enlargement, and signifying
his readiness to deliver up his Commission as General, and to give
a resignation of his Irish Command, in regard he hath not the
Commission with him.
Order'd that upon his delivery into the hands of Mr Jessop his
Commission as General, and to give a resignation of his Command
in Ireland in Writing, Containing withal an undertaking to deliver
up the Commission itself so soon as he can get it with conveniency
into his Power, the Warrant for his enlargement shall be delivered
and put in Execution ; and that as soon as may be he do also
deliver up his said Commission for his Command in Ireland accord-
ing to such his undertaking.
Henry Scobell Clerk of the Council.'
* October 31'^ 1655. -I have this day received from General
Robert Venables his Highness Commission for Constituting him
Commander in Chief under his Highness for the Army and forces
rais'd for the Expedition to the West Indies, bearing date the
Ninth of December 1654.^ As also an Instrument under his hand
• Cal S. P. Dom, 1665, p. 402.
^ The Commission is printed in Thurloe'8 Stale Papers, ill. 16.
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THE NABRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 87
and Seal for surrendering his Command as Coll. of a Regiment of
Foot in Ireland, Commander in Chief of the forces in Ulster, and
Commander of the Town and Castle of Carrickvargus, according to
the purport of the honourable Councils above mentioned order.
William Jessop/
* I do hereby Certifie that the above mentioned is a true Copy of
the Councils order, and that the Commission therein mentioned was
accordingly delivered to the said M"^. Jesopp, together with the
resignation above said, for which the Receipt above mentioned is a
true copy.
John Barkstead.'
Dated at the Tower of London
November 2nd 1655.
But I have omitted one thing during these transactions.
General Penn desir'd me not to yield to acknowledge any fault
or submit, and promised me he never would. I had not reason to
trust his word. Yet I told him I would not for I knew no fault
I was guilty of, and therefore could confess none, neither would I
so much prejudice my own innocency as unjustly to Charge my
self. Yet he did, and so got Liberty a Week before me.^ Also I
grew very weak and sickly in that time, by reason I was lodg'd
over a great draw-well which sent up unwholesome Vapours and
damps, which much distempered my weak body. Whereupon I
desir'd the Lieutenant of the Tower to Change my Tx)dging, and
named some to him ; he refns'd and told me his Officers must have
them. I reply 'd they might have those I was in which they might
well endure, but I could not, but was delayd, and at last denied.
All which, with the refusal of a Vessel to bring me by Sea from
Portsmouth, to take security for my appearance that I might
use Physick, the putting me into a Chamber where I durst not
take Physick and keeping me there, caus'd me to remember some
> Oct. 25. See Memorials of Sir WHUam Penn, ii. 184, 141, and Col. S, P. Dom.
1655, p. 896.
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88 THE NARRATIVE OK GENERAL VENABLES
words spoke to me by some friends before I left England ; which were
(Vizt.) That I was sent to be destroy'd not to do Service, That I
was popular in Ireland, had too much Interest there, and that they
knew not how to displace me, or free themselves from me, but by
such a removal as might occasion Death. I look'd upon all this as
malice to disgust me against the State, and therefore regarded it
not ; tho' for my place some friends can testifie that I was weary
of employment, and desir'd a private Life, and this Voyage being
only to settle a Colony (which was effected) I might then retire
without prejudice to myselfe, or raising a dispute or jealousie in
the State (which would follow) if I gave up my Command.
Having given a true relation of things as they were done I
should have made an end. But the sight of a short but slanderous
J^amphlet ' causeth me to take occasion to answer some things
mentioned in the same, which are ignorantly, or rather maliciously
related. Tho' his Highness imprisoning the Printers and sellers
of the same might serve for a Confutation of it wherein the state
is Concerned, Yet I conceive that will not excuse me, and my
Silence might be judg'd a guilt, or inability to Vindicate myself.
I shall therefore track him in his own path ; and here I must also
Apologise that the Author not owning it by his name might
justly excuse my silence, and also his speaking in such general
terms that no man of reason ought to judge him peccant who is
not personated. Yet that I may not prejudice the truth in not
discovering his uncharitable Censures, which unless detected might
mislead some, I take my self engaged to reply to his Closely
insinuating aspersiona
And seeing he lays down as his method of proceeding three
grounds I shall take them in his own order.
1st Quere Whether the setting forth of this Army were really
intended for the glory of God, and propagation of the Gospel ?
» A brief and perfect Journal of the late Proceedings and Success of the English
Army in the West Indies. . . . TogetJter toith some Queries inserted and answered
... By I. S. an Eyewitness. Reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany, iii. 510.
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A. Except this Anonimus durst be so shameless as to Charge
the Supream Authority with Hypocrisie, I suppose he might easily
have answered himself in the affirmative ; for first it is granted
from grounds of reason and Scripture that to Punish Offenders and
Offences doth advantage the Glory of God, for all just Wars are for
the revenging or repelling of wrongs done or offer'd to such over
whom God hath placed that power or Magistracy, who in Conscience
and reason ought to defend those from Injury over whom God hath
given them Authority.
Magistracy is for the punishment of evil doers, and the praise
of them that do well; which duty if the Magistrate do not
discharge he bears the Sword in vain, or at the best doth not make
that use of it which God and the nature of Authority require from
him. And what wrongs the English have suffered from the
Spaniards in those Western parts his Highness in his declaration
Concerning the War against Spain doth set forth, and were publickly
known almost to all Men, and no reparation made. And if the Lord
should please to give these Countries into the Possession of a
Protestant Nation (except M*". I. S. judge the Protestant Beligion
will not propagate the Gospel and advance the Glory of God), I sup-
pose the Glory of God and the Gospel must undeniably be promoted.
But the Calumniator tacitly blasteth the state (who had so strong
provocations and just grounds of War) with this close insinuation
Page 3*^. * To conclude the design to be Altogether grounded upon
a wrong and corrupt principle were to accuse our Grandees &c ; *
Where he doth infer that they did not aim at either of those ends,
and gives his reason drawn from the Instruments ; and because some
did lye open to just exceptions he concludes against all. And a little
before he tells us the secrecy of the design caus*d honest Men to
desert it ; ^ which is not true, for some (not out of Conscience but
for other engagements and employments, as the dissuation of
Friends, or disgust against his Highness) did decline that Voyage,
but not in reference to the injustice of the quarrel that I know of,
' Harleian Miscellany, v. 611. ^ lb. iii. 610.
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90 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
who have more reason to know it more than this man ; but I
suppose he would have all Protestant designs made publick that
each private Man that engages in the Service might have his
Conscience informed, or indeed the publick Popish Enemy
acquainted to prepare for resistance. As for the OflScers, so many
as scrupled were satisfied in the justice of the quarrel, and indeed
this I. S. gives enough to answer himself, (Vizt.) The Spaniards
wrongs to our Plantations, and that no Articles of Peace extended
to the south of the Tropick. But because he was not Consulted with,
belike that he might be a Ghostly father to the Soldiers to Counsel
them, he Concludes that all Men that went were men of no
Conscience, and [men] to pin their faith on other Mens Sleevs, but
all rational Men know that to discover a design is to overthrow it.
Next he comes to the good intent of the Cause, upon which he
gives his opinion from the ill success of the Action. A good
argument learnt by him out of the Turkish Alcoran ; had he read
over the 20th of Judges he might have found the Israelites who
prosecuted a good quarrel, and by the Express Command of God,
yet fell twice before the Benjamites, but he then covers this
unhandsomely by the Servants disobeying the commands of their
Masters, but shews not wherein, pretends selfe seeking, but gives
no instance, and Casts blemishes without Cause or ground upon all.
It may be some might be persons that came upon the Account of
Spoil and Pillage ; but he should have been so just, if an ocular
Witness (as himself saith), to have instanced in some who gave most
evident signs, or expressed so much in words, and not to have blasted
all for the fault of some who could not be unknown. Then he falls
back to the justice of the quaiTel, and gives four reasons, the first *
and last ^ fitter for the mouth of a Papist or atheist than (what he
would be thought) a Protestant. The second and third gave me
ground to engage in the design, with what I alledg'd at the first.
After this he disputes and Concludes that of the Legality of the
> * In regard those they went out afainst were idolatora.'
' ' Conquest is free to all people.'
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Cause, but makes it no Argument of the good intent ; nor do I,
but if the justice of the Cause be Cleared to me, the intent of the
designers is not to be any scruple, [it is sufficient] to know but
my own intents in Acting of which my own heart accuses me not.
Then he leaves all with a Confus'd mixing of good and bad, but in
the Conclusion excuses no man but Condemns all, and Concludes
the Army so bad that no good could be expected from them. I do
not plead for the Armys Piety. Neither Officers nor Soldiers
almost [were] known to me before I was engaged in the design. I
crav'd my own Regiment for one, and that the rest might be
drawn out of the Irish Army, seasoned with hardships and hazard ;
but the design seemed to be laid aside, and at last came on again
so fast that my request was denied, as not to be done in time.
Yet no Officers were taken on but such as had the Commendation of
some of his Highness Council, Chief Ministers of State, or Officers
of the Army (and I could do no more), the Letters of recommenda-
tion left in Secretary Malins ^ hands. The private soldiers were
promised out of the old English Army but I Confess not performed,
save as this nameless author relates; and if any were proved
unworthy among the Officers he was laid aside ; but who ever saw
an Army Consisting wholly of (and I confess this had too few)
Religous Men in it. But nevertheless let this author or any Man
else instance their rapes, murbhers, Plunderings &c. either in
England or Barbadoes, tho' I know few armies where such Offences
are not Committed, yet I never heard of any in either of these
places that I remember, and I am Certain none that I heard of
escaped unpunished ; but tho' he cannot instance in one of these
Offences in the Army, yet he prefers the Spaniards before as less
Wicked. And here I suppose he must Confess himself a Papist,
or a very Mean Historian, or exceeding forgetful, who hath read
the Spaniards Conquests of those parts (set forth by their own
Country Men), and his ears glow not at the horrid Cruelties, and
more than barbarous inhumanities practic'd by the Spaniards (out
' William Malyn, CromweH's private seoretaiy.
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92 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
of a wanton bloody humour) upon the poor Natives ; or can he
forget his Highness late declaration of the date of ^ ' Of the
grounds of the War with Spain,' and can read of the Massacres of
the English, and yet prefer those Men before the English Army,
who were protestants, tho very loose and debauch'd, yet by
discipline restrained from such outrages, but he hath no mind to
speak one word in the Armys defence, which shews him to be of
Cham's * lineage desirous to trumpet (to the uttermost of his malice)
his Country Mens infirmities. But tho' I do not excuse the Common
Soldiers of the Army from Prophaneness, which indeed had too
many debauch'd persons in it, as Consisting of the worst men
either of England or the Plantation, yet, as I said, outrages were
not acted by them ; and for the Officers, there were some Godly
Persons, eminent for their Piety and Valour and Services in their
Country, as Major General Heynes, who is the only one he
Commends, and Coll. Fortescue, afterwards Major General, much
esteemed by Godly Men, Ministers, and others, for his Piety and
Valour, and Conduct declar'd in several Services in England, with
some others as Capt. How, and several of my own Regiment. Yet
he takes no notice of them at all, not Considering that often the
denomination is given from the better and ruling part in Scripture,
where a Godly reforming King brings his People to be reckoned-aft^J
Religious, he Causing them to serve the Lord; and indeed the.
Major part of the Officers were Civil, though not able and fit for
employment, which could not be known to me who was a stranger
to them until trial was made, tho' they had good men to recommend
them as is said, and had serv'd the State. But he mentions not
Adjutant General Jackson a prophane Drunkard, and Whoremaster,
a Man that stood Charg'd (and the Charge prov'd) of Perjury and
forgery. Concerning whom, as being known to me, I had with
' Scriptum Domini Protectoris contra Hispanos, whioh according to Masson,
passed the Protector's Oouncil Got. 26, 1655. It appears to have been drawn up by
Fiennes, and Milton's Latin version was published Nov. 9, 1655. Masson, Life of
Milton, iv. 241. * Ham's.
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Major General Worsley mov*d his Highness, but he was notwith-
standing forc'd upon us ; nor Coll. Buller, who never yet cleared
himself about the loss of Scilly, ^ but for the generality of the
soldiers, take the Opinion of Major General Daniel * (which was
the Opinion of others) in a Letter to me whilst in Prison. That
part of the Letter foUoweth :
* I wonder not that you fell under the Extremity of difficulties,
Considering (except some few trusty Officers) that you carried
with you the very sweepings of some part of England ; and tho' I
know God is not limited to Instruments, yet his name is most
Principally engag'd with his People.*
His second query he passeth over refering us to what hath
been said, and what foUoweth, and so shall I refer the reader also,
as he doth, to my Answers before and which follow.'
His third he tells us of the great preparations and strength of
the Army, and Gods oppositi[on] to them. As to the success, I
answer that we effected what we were sent about ; the fixing of a
Colony, tho' we faiUd in the place which we first attempted, not
through the Valour of the Opposers, but forc'd away thro' want
of Water, and Carriages to take along with us all Conveniences,
and tho' we were well provided for, yet those Provisions staying
behind (not by our fault, who would have stay'd for them but were
not permitted), we were Constrain'd to leave Barbadoes, having
almost eaten both them and our small stores (that came with us)
up, and so could not stay longer for them, lest we had perish'd our
selves and destroy'd the Plantations. And our necessity enfor-
cing us to go with what we had, we were as Persons without
Accommodations of arms, ammunition, or Provisions. And that it
• Sept. 1648. See Hoskins, Charles IL in the Channel Islands, ii. 241.
' Major General William Daniel, then in Scotland, whose brother, John Daniel,
served in the expedition. See Thnrloe, iii. 508.
* * Whether those that were of the army were fit instniments to be employed in
the exaltation of God's work * &c.
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94 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
should be, as he saith, marvellous to see Persons perish of thirst in
those Torrid Eegions, I see not. It may be he will say we might
have Landed nearer to the City. I have answer'd that already, and
refer the reader to judge whose fault it was, the Seamen, or ours,
who were Carried so far oflF against our wills, and thereby ruined,
being exposed to hunger, thirst, and all inconveniences which the
Climate could inflict upon our men, whereby we were weak'ned, as
also with bad and scant diet, as is before related, and the Enemy
had time thereby given him to call in all the strength he could make*
Next he gives us the journey itself, and beginneth with the
Armies, relating of what manner of men they were formed. I
shall not say anything now, having spoken my thoughts before,
and Confess he speaks too much truth, and shall mention nothing
till we Come to Hispaniola, where he gives us that number of the
Army, in whose number he is Mistaken some hundreds, for the
Muster Rolls makes them Six thousand five hundred fifty-one, and
he Seven Thousand ; and saith they had three days Provision at their
Landing, but it being delivered out two days before they landed,
the Seamen Caus'd the rest of them (which I knew not till we were
on shore) to feed on that allowance before Landing, so that the
most of them had but one days Provisions to live upon when they
Landed, too small a proportion for them if we had Landed at Hine
River, much more disproportionable to so long and tedious a march.
Next he mentions the Proclamation against Plunder, the
reason of which, and my Opinion with my Actings, I have given
before, and refer the reader to the same, it being the Commissioners
Act, not mine, tho' they saw the discontent it raised in the Army
yet persisted in it. As to the avarice of Persons,^ let them bear
the blame that deserve it ^ ; yet to speak Conjecturally (I suppose)
those that were more pertinatious to have it, or refused the Army
Pillage, and yet gave them no Pay (and how can men subsist
' Harleian Miscellany^ iii. 615.
* ' That were gailty. I was only passive and renounced all interest in it.*
Povey's MS.
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without Pay or Pillage), and refus'd the Army liberty to have any
inspection into management of it, or a subsistance out of it, are
most likely to seek their own advantage by it ; and of any of these
no man can Charge me, or if they do my own transactions will
plead my excuse and vindicate my Innocency.
Next he tells us the Army had no Opposition in lianding
except excessive heat of the Sun and intolerable drought,^ which
was so great that some drank their own Urine, others died. I
would here query of him what Opposition could be worse for us
than [to] our Want of Provisions (as before is related), to have heat
and thirst in the Extremity Added ; what greater difficulties than
hunger, heat, and thirst (miseries not to be overcome), could an
Enemy cast in our ways, or wish to befal us, yet these he passeth
over with a slight expression of nothing but Heat and thirst in the
Extreams.
Next he brings us to the River Hine, and tells us of our short
stay and refreshment ; ^ which was short indeed, for no other re-
freshment had we after two days fasting save a little water and
sitting half an hour upon the Ground, tho' our purpose was to have
got more, and being told a foord a little higher would give us a
passage over, to come to our Ships to receive our necessaries ; but
it prov'd so far off that we were that night without Meat and drink,
and caus'd us to fast near forty hours longer. ITien he relates a
small Skirmish, which was occasioned as is before related.^ We
met with Coll. BuUer and Cox our Guide, who promised to bring
us to water, which was joyful news to our fainting Men ; and lying
near to the Fort I sent some Officers to View it, some reported it low,
weak, and unflanked ; finding them diflfer in Opinions I sent the
Engineer, who then came to us, who assur'd me it was a regular
well fortified (but small) piece. Having got a little strength by
resting me, and exceedingly troubled with a violent Flux, I went
my self; and if my Eyes were able to see it was a Fort about
Twenty five Yards Square, and seven or Eight Yards high at least.
^ Harleian MisceUcmyy iii, 516. *I6. iii. 616. *Ib,
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I sent some into the Woods to search for ambushes, and the
OflBcers being generally very weary,. I went myself with the Guide
to see that done, which I could not procure others to do,^ and so
fell upon the ambush, but not into it; for we discover'd them
before they mov'd towards us, and the forlorn fir'd, but spent their
fire over nimbly, which gave the Enemy advantage to fall in with
their Lances before they could Charge again, and so routed them.
Whereby I was endangered which mov'd the Officers to press me
not to march (as I ever used) with the Van, if not with the forlorn ;
and this I speak to Vindicate my self from the imputation of rash-
ness, which some Charged upon me, tho' I did nothing but upon
necessity, and what I could not procure to be done by others ; and
also to shew the reason why I was not in the Van the second time,
it being the very earnest pressing desire of all the Colls. But
whereas this occular Witness saith they routed the first Regiment,
I reply, I saw no man run but the forlorn, which Consisted of Sea-
men, and the Sea Regiment relieved their fellows who had no Pikes
(and therefore routed), and beat back the Enemy presently. I
pursued them within Cannon Shot of the Town, and then we, as it is
before related, for the reasons alledged retreated to our Ships, for
to refresh our Men, who had most of them fasted four days, except
what fruits they had found in the woods, which were generally
Oranges and Lemons.
Against our next advance we made all the Provision we could
to carry Water and Brandy ; but all we could do was too short to
supply our extream want. The fight I have before related, and
shall not now repeat anything ; only I can but confess with him to
my grief the unworthy fall of Major General Heynes. But must
contradict this relator as to the number of the Spaniards. Gentle-
men of Credit and Judgment who were on board affirm'd to me
they saw at least Three thousand march out of the Town, but this
Spectator saw but fifty. We were assured by Cox our Guide,
who had lived twelve years amongst them, that they could
* See Memorials of Sir William Penw, ii. 85.
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bring into the Field Five Thousand Men; they had time to
draw them together, and no man will Conceive they would lye
still, and only send out fifty to fight. But I say further, that
in those Continual Woods or Wildernesses, where not above Six
could march abreast, few could be seen, neither in the Rear nor
those in the Woods. Our Forlorn were Four hundred, and the
Enemy fir'd upon them in Van and flank at once, and if fifty could
do this let any Man judge, and [if] so many as three thousand [were]
drawn out of the City its probable they could not all stand Idle.
He said also half the Army was routed ; an utter untruth ; two
Regiments were only routed ; and the Enemy was beaten back,
and retreated not untill forc*d away by the Sea Regiment led on by
Vice Admiral Goodson and myself,* and about a hundred of Major
General Heynes's we stayed from runing away. And who ever
knew the Spaniard so much fool or Coward as not to follow success
to the utmost when a fair advantage offer'd itself. For the Number
of the slain, he reckons Six hundred, after two hundred lost in the
Woods, and three hundred wounded [so] that most of them died, as
he saith ; and tho* we never had more blows, at our leaving
Hispaniola he makes our loss One thousand seven hundred,*
whereas I am certain, as before I related, we were never more (if
so many) than Six thousand Five hundred fifty one, and aft»r all
the death at Jamaica for Ten Weeks, which was our first muster,
we were above five thousand eight hundred and therefore the
death there, as is related before, and the loss at Hispaniola
could not be above Seven hundred ; so that he gives the Spaniards
a thousand to grace their success with, and all the sick at Jamaica
that died there to make up the number he allows them. Page
15 He relates that we drew up after this fight near the Fort etc.
Several untruths are Contained in this relation ; for as before we
' I. S. says tbe Spaniards retreated only because tired with slaughter, not able
to proceed further. Harleian Miscellany ^ ill. 517.
' By a General Muster was found, that of 9700 men first landed, there re-
mained then only 8000, the sea regiment included. Harleian Miscellany, iii. 518.
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beat the Enemy back, recover'd our slain, and the night being at
hand kept the ground all that night. A Council of Officers being
caird did advise to try the Mortar Piece on the Fort if it could
play by Sunrise, otherwise draw off, lest we should perish by thirst,
and this was the reason why the Mortar Piece was drawn off, and
known to them that advis'd it, but if not known to all it was net
usual to tell our results.* The Engineer was call'd, but as before
none would work, and the place was unsecure, for several Cannon
Shot fell within some few Yards of the place, took Six, Seven, or
Nine Men away at a Shot, so that the Enemys Guns could bear
upon the Place which was as open as the Ground the Men stood
upon. And I am perswaded if there had been an Offence worthy
punishment, those who had the power would not leave the matter
altogether unquestioned. The Officers finding their Men so base,
and the danger of perishing by thirst so unavoidable that they
Voted a retreat, and I think it was better to bring off the Mortar
Piece than to leave it behind us. For the rest that foUoweth let
the Seamen answer, whom it Chargeth with so much cruelty as
to deny us Food, which brought them to eat Dogs, Asses, Horses,
and indeed whatever they could get, tho' unhealthful.
We now follow him to Jamaica.* His 20*** Page begins with
the Proclamation he mentions against railing away, telling us
scoffingly it might have done well if made before we Landed at
Hispaniola ; and so I think also, but we could not imagine our
Men would have proved so base. And the old Adage might have
answered him, Good Laws have their rise from evil manners. And
also at our landing he tells us the weak opposition that was made,
but the Number of the Enemy is untruly related ; we were assur'd
there were upwards of three thousand in the Country, and generally
all of them living in or near to the Town, in which were four or Six
Churches, and Houses to have quartered Twenty thousand Men ;
and if (besides those in the Country) all could make up but Five
hundred let any Man judge ; and all were drawn down to Oppose
' conaolts ? * Harleian Miscellany, iii. 620.
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our Landing, for we saw their fires made to give notice of an
Enemy approaching the day before we Landed, and I do believe
were generally drawn to the Sea side for their defence.
Next he mentions our Number Seven Thousand. When he
mustered us at first (Page 12*^^'), he made us but Seven thousand,
tho' as before our greatest number was but Six thousand five
hundred fifty one, and of the Seven thousand he mentions to be
landed at Hispaniola, One thousand two hundred were Sea Men
Regimented under Vice Admiral Goodson, and of those he cuts
off One thousand Seven hundred as lost (Page 16 and 17) at
Hispaniola. Sure our Men were like Bees, that after a shower (if
overtaken with it) lye dead, but revive again with the next
breaking out of the Sunbeams, or else he is a very false Muster
Master, and an egregious Lyar. As for their out-witing us, he sure
thought us fools because we admitted of a Treaty, and thereby had
Cowes brought in which otherwise we must have wanted, and had
also Hostages Men of quality and worth (as their Chief Mayor, and
Don Acosta one of the best men amongst them) ; and yet if they
stood out we were at no loss, we had our Army to reduce them,
which must have been the way if we had never Treated, and so
were at no loss, and yet got refreshment and fresh Meat for our
Men without blows or trouble, which else we must have wanted ;
and now let any Man judge how we are over-reach'd, and what
simple souls we were Easie to be abus'd by any ; and yet when they
broke we got Hostages, and in the Interim gain'd knowledge of
the Country, and set division among themselves. As for their
Goods, it now appears who Coveted plunder and Spoil, because the
Army was was not March'd all night in an unknown Country, all
Wood, without Guide to direct them, to possess an Open Town,
where little I believe was to be got (for there was not almost any-
thing when Jackson took the Island formerly), and the Money, and
Plate, and richest movables were I suppose carried away upon the first
notice of onrapproach, and yet he Complains of our Simplicity inloes
of the Pillage, and whereas he saith they drove away their Horses,
u 2
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Cattle &c, I answer'd this before, and in two days we recovered
them again. As to the order against killing Cows by single persons,
the reason is given before, to which I refer the Eeader ; and must
needs say that our Mens Misery and wants proceeded from the
want of food from the Fleet, who refus'd to supply us, as is
already before related very largly under the hands of several
persons of honour and Credit. And thus have I done with this
Malicious traducer, but that those who are under the States frowns
should meet with base language from Slanderous Tongues is no
News, Envious Spirits taking that Opportunity to vent their
Malice.
There remains some objections which may seem to be yet
unanswer'd, which I shall resolve, and leave all to the Candid
Judment of the Ingenious and unbiased Reader.
Q. 1**. Why would I go before my Stores ?
Ans. I declared my dissatisfaction in that particular, and was
promis'd they should meet me at Portsmouth, and there I was
order'd to stay for them at Barbadoes, and necessity forc'd us thence
before they Came, except we should have eaten up and devour'd
that Island, and so destroyed it and our selves.
Q 2nd. Why did I go with such a Rascally rabble of raw
and unexercised men, never disciplined ?
Ans. I desir'd my own Regiment and the rest out of the Irish
Army, season'd with hardship and hazard, and after that the
design was laid aside, as pretended, was hasted away, and promis'd
Men out of the English and Scotch forces, who had (unknown to
me till after) inlisted the rabble, and put them to us, and kept
back their Old Soldiers, and we were not permitted to stay to try
them what they were.
Q. S""^. Why did we not keep them in better discipline ?
Ans. Who ever read of an Army, tho' best disciplin'd, that
was kept in order, which had neither Pay, Pillage, Arms, nor Pro-
visions; much more was I unable to do it amongst a company
who neither knew what order or Civility meant, and where the
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Officers indulged them, never puniBhing almost any offence save by
admonition, and my Commission did not permit me to punish my-
self but by a Court Martial.
Q. 4^. Why should I go on a design I knew not the reason of it ?
Ans. I was acquainted so far with it as to know the Law-
fulness of it, and the rest (tho I desir'd to know the same) was
the States part, not mine, they being accountable for that, not I.
Yet the Officers that scrupled any thing had their doubts
Answered.
Q. 5***. Why would I go so bounded with Instructions and
manacled by Commissioners ?
Ans. I did propound toM*^. Secretary ITiurloe (to whom I was
commanded to make my addresses), that I might not have my
Friends (by strict Instructions) made more terrible to me than my
Enemies, for whoever attempted anything resolutely that (if it
fail'd) was in danger of life to them that imploy'd him, and
therefore needed all encouragements, the difficulties of the service
being sufficient, to engage again. I was promised I should not ;
my Commission was large enough ; and my Instructions,^ save in
one Clause (which all Commissions have in them) that referred to
all further orders, which I Conceiv'd related to all further Intel-
ligence upon transactions, not to the Commissioners Instructions,
who I supposed were only to deal (as those sent me into Ireland by
the Parliament and after by his Highness) in Civil affairs, which I
was well pleas'd with, in regard that burthen would be taken off
my Shoulders, which had in Ireland so much Oppressed me ; and
to Confirm me in this Opinion there was a Clause in my Commis-
sion authorizing me to take and follow the advice of my Officers as
occasion was Offered, but when the Commissioners Instructions
were broken up at Sea they null'd all this.
Q. 6***. But why would I suffer the Seamen so to use me in
Provisions and Arms &c. which were put on board for our use
as well as theirs ? ^
' For these Insiruotions see p. Ill, post^ ancl for the Ck)mmi88ion, Thurloe, ilL 16^^^
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A. There were few or no Soldiers aboard the Frigates who
aw'd the Whole Fleet, and therefor the power was in the Sea
OflBcers hands, and I had no means to help ray self by force, and
therefore stood at their mercy, being only able to shew my wants,
and to advise and require Supplies, but not able to relieve
myself.
Q. 7*^*. Why should I go with such Commissioners, so unfit
and unexperienc'd Men ?
A. I look*d not upon them as having anything to do in
Military affairs, and in Civil they were accountable for their
Actions, not I, and if my own affairs succeeded I was well.
Q. 8*^. Why did I take my Wife and Soldiers Wives with me ?
A. First, I acquainted his Highness I resolv'd to take my Wife
with me, and its probable if his Highness had declar'd his dislike
I had either left her, or not gone my self Before ^ his Highness
did only intend a Plantation, where Women would be necessary,
and this proves also that I told his Highness before I went, that
I proposed, if the Climate were not my Enemy, to stay there ; and
had so done, but that the hand of God forc'd me back. Some
Officers (as Coll. Humphrys) did afterwards take their Wives with
them without hindrance or blame, and for Soldiers Wives, whoever
have observed in Ireland know the necessity of having that Sex
with an Army to attend upon and help the Sick and wounded,
which men are unfit for. Had more Women gone I suppose that
many had not perished as they did for want of care and attend-
ance.
Q. 9*^ Why did I return home ?
I did propound to M*". Secretary Thurloe before I went,
according to his Highness Command, that if the air agreed not
with me I might thereupon return home, and that in such a Case
my Command in Ireland might be kept for me. He Answered,
God forbid we should send men to die, and not to do Service, and
Besides ?
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for that reason my command in Ireland, and the Pay in the
Interim should be reserved for me, which accordingly was performed
and I receiv'd part of the Money in the Tower.
2*3r. The physicians advised my return as not possible
to live there, they having tried all means, and found that what
stop'd my Flux heightened my Fever, and what abated my Fever
encreased my Flux; and I stay'd fifteen Weeks expecting
recovery, and was Convey 'd on board in a distracted Condition,
which I had been in for a Month.
3'^*^. the Officers Voted and desir'd my return to Solicite
their afiairs, as being unable to do any Service there, and
doubting I should not live to come home they joyn'd another with
me in Commission to Solicite for them. The Vote was pass'd in
a Council of War gathered against my Will, as before is related,
and I stay'd Six weeks after it.
4**^'3r. A Colony, the work I was sent about, was efiected, and
no enemy appear'd save like Irish Tories, and no man will say
that Ireland is not redac'd.
5thiy There were three Commissioners left besides my self,
and one Voted my return, another signed the Warrant for the
Ship to bring me home, only one refused.
Q^^^y. His Highnesse had Signed and Seal'd a dormant
Commission thus endorsed, * Not to be open'd but in Case of the
Death, disability, or absence of one or both the Generals,* and those
words were in the body of the Commission, which was broken open,
and another General Chose in my place, and his Commission
Signed, and he discharged his place for a month before I left
Jamaica. The word absence implys an Answer to my desire
to Secretary Thurloe for my return, for except I returned I could
not be absent firom the Army, and disability seemeth to me to be
inserted on purpose, as well as absence, to authorize and Warrant
my Coming home without danger, according to my proposals to
M'. Secretary Thurloe. For why should another be Chosen, and
Commissionated, and put in my place, without any Crime, and yet
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104 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABT.ES
I required to stay there ? In my Eye, and (I believe) in any rational
Mans Judgment, 'tis inconsistent or unjust to set a Man aside
without any fault save the hand of God in his distemper (which
was my affliction not fault), and another to be put in his place,
except thereby a Licence to return were Civilly Consented unto and
hereby imply'd.
Besides Captain Butler, one of the Commissioners, did against
the express declaration of Major General Fortescue in the name of
the Army against his return home, as destructive to his Highness
Service, come thence, yet was never questioned, tho' I ofFer'd to
prove high debauchedness and fomenting of Mutinies against him.
General Fortescuies Letter to his Highness of this return of his
foUoweth.
' May it please your Highness.^
Albeit by other Letters I certified your Highness what I had
said to Commissioner Butler, yet that not being satisfaction to
me, because what pass'd was between him and me, I took
occasion this morning in presence of Admiral Goodson, Coll.
Buller, and this Gentleman, Rear Admiral Blagge, to tell the
Commissioner that I conceiv'd, according to the duty of bis place,
he ought to tarry with us, and therefore protested against his
going, in regard your Highness Service should in all probability
receive damage by it, for that the two Commanders in Chief of the
Fleet and Land Forces, impower'd by your Highness Instructions
to act as Commissioners, could not in some Cases act without a
third Person. I also desir'd his Concurrence with the General in
nominating and appointing a Commander in Chief of the Army in
the Generals absence, but he utterly refus'd, saying the state of
things were now much altered, and he could not, nor would not
allow of Admiral Goodson and myself to be Commissioners, nor
Consent that I should be Commander in Chief in the Generals
absence, nor appoint any other, nor stay to order and Govern
* Thurloe, iii. 681. See also pp. 674-5, for other letters on this subject.
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES 105
things with the Commissioners, all which Bear Admiral Blagge
can justify, and I Counted it a duty to be Certified to your
Highness by
Tour Highness most humble Servant
Richard Fortescue'
Jamaica Harbour,
23rd July, 1655.
I shall conclude all with a most thankful acknowledgment of
the mercies of God to me in several eminent deliverances both
from the Sword and Sickness. So that I may truly say I never
saw more remarkable providences as to my personal preservation,
Nor met with more Letts, Impediments, and cross Providences, in
the management of the Publick Concerns in all my life.
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APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
Oliver P.
Instructions vnto Generall Penn, Collonell Venables,
Aldr. Ricard, Collonell Haines, Mr. Maurice Thomson,
Capt. John Lymberry, Capt. Willm. Rider, Capt. Thomas
Alderne, Mr. Willl^m Williams, Capt. Goodson, Mr.
William Vincent, Capt. John Brookhaven, and Mr.
Martin Noell, for the manageing the southerne expedi-
CION
Whereas Wee have, by advice of Our Counsell, resolued with all
convenient speede to send into America a Squadron of Shipps of Warre
consisting of 14, andseueral other Shipps of burthen to carry Provisions
and other necessaries (a list of all which shipps you shall receive
from the Commissioners of the Admiralty and Navie), and to send with
the said Shipps 3000 land souldiers in 6 Regiments and 100 horse. And
with the said Forces to Attaque the Spanyard both at sea and land in
those parts ; who hath vnhumanly murdered diverse of Our people
there, taken away their possessions, and doth exercise all Acts of
hostility against them as open enemies, and hath seuerall other waies
given iust cause to this State to take and prosecute the aforesaid
Resolucions.
And reposing trust and confidence in your prudence, faithfullness,
and integrity, We have chosen, constituted, and appointed. And doe
hereby constitute, chuse, and appoint you to bee Our Commissioners for
the Ordering and manageing of the designe and vndertakeing aforesaid,
according to the Instructions now given vnto you, or such others as you
shall from time to time receive from vs on that behalfe.
» Stowe MSS. 185, f. 83, ^ ^
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108 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
1 . You shall therefore vppon the Receipt of these Instruccions meete
at some convenient place in the Cittie of London, and apply your selues
to this worke.
2. You shall informe your selues of the State of the Fleete intended
as aforesaid for America, what provisions of all sorts are already made,
both as to the nature and quality of them, as allsoe to the quantities
and proporcion of them ; And what you shall find defective or short,
you shall certifio your advice and oppinion therein vnto vs in writeing,
and by what meanes the same may most conveniently be provided and
with most expedicion.
3. You shall take Consideracion of all things which may bee
necessary for the carrying on this present designe, as well in Referrence
to the land Army as the Sea Forces, and to certifie your advice as
in the next precedent Article.
4. You shall consider of two fitt persons to be sent away ymediately
to the Barbadoes and the other Caribbee Islands, who may Communicate
there with such persons as shalbe thought fitt concerning this designe,
and make such preparacions there in Order therevnto against the Coming
of the Fleete thither as shalbe necessary. And you shall consider of
fitting instruccions to be given to the persons who shalbe sent as
aforesaid.
5. You shall consider what Forces and supplies will bee fitt to be
sent after the present Fleete, and of the time of sending them, and in
what manner.
6. You shall generally consider of tho best and most probable meanes
for the Carrying on and ymprouement of this vndertakeing. In Case
it shall please God to give vs Success in the present expedicion, for the
Honour, benefitt, and advantage of this Comon Wealth, as well in respect
of trade as otherwise.
7. You shall from time to time certifie to vs your oppinions and
advice concerning these perticulers, and shall not comvnicate your
advices or Counsells but by direccion from us.
8. You have hereby power to send for any persons to be conferred
with, or ymployed in this business, or for the Execution of your Orders,
as Allsoe to appoint Clerkes and officers to attend you in this service.
And to appoint them just allowances, which being certifyed to vs Care
shall be taken for the payment of them.
9. You shall take Care that the persons you ymploy, especyally
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APPENDICES 109
the Clerkes, be trusty persons, and such as you may have entire con-
fidence in.
10. Our will and pleasure is That you, or any Three of you, doe put
in Execution these powers and Instruccions.
Whitehall 18*
AuguBt 1654.
John Thubloe.
[the commission of the commissioners for the west INDIAN
expedition] ^
Oliuer, Lord Protector of the Comon Wealth of England, Scotland,
and Ireland, and the Dominions thereto belonging. To our right trusty
and welbeloved Generall Robert Venables and Generall William Penn,
and to our Trustie and beloved Edward Winslowe Esqr., Daniell
Searle Esqr. Governour of our Island of Barbadoes, Gregory Butler Esqr.
Greeting, Wee haueing taken into our Serious Consideration the State
and Condicion of the Englishe Plantations and Colonies in the Westerne
parte of the World called America, and the Opportunity and meanes
which God hath betrusted us and this Comon Wealth with, both for the
secureing the interest wee already haue in those Countries, which nowe
lye open and exposed to the will and power of the King of Spaine (whoe
claimes the same by Coulour of a Donation of the Pope) at any time
when hee shall have leisure to looke that way ; and also for getting
Ground and gaineing vppon the Dominions and territories of the said
Kinge there.
Wherevnto Wee also hold our self Obliged in Justice to the People
of these Nations for the Cruelties, Wrongs, and Injuries done and
exercised vppon them by the Spaniards in those parts. Haueing a
respect likewise in this our vndertaking to the Miserable Thraldome
and Bondage, both Spirituall and Civill, which the natives and others in
the Dominions of the said King in America are subiected to and lye
vnder by meanes of the Popish and cruell Inquisition and otherwise,
from which if it shall please God to make us instrumental! in any measure
to deliver them, and vppon this occasion to make way for the bringing
in the light of the Gospell and power of true Religion and Godlines into
those parts, Wee shall esteeme it the best and most Glorious part of
any Stfccesse or Acquisition it shall please God to blesse us with.
' Add. MSS. 11410 f. 47.
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110 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
And Wee haueing ypon these and other Consideracions raised and sett
forth Land and Sea forces to send into the Parts aforesaid for th'ends
and purposes before expressed, And Considering how necessarie it is
that Persons of knowne prudence, Wisdome, and fidelitie, should be
authorized and Comissionated by us for the better Ordering and
mannaging so great affaires vppon all occasions, as things may emerge
and fall out for the best Advantage of the State, and for the improve-
ment of this whole designe ; And Reposeing trust and Confidence in
the abilitie, Circumspection, and fidelitie, of you Generall William Penn,
Generall Robert Venables, Edward Winslowe, Daniell Searle, Gregory
Butler, Wee have made, constituted, and appointed, and by theis
presents doe make, constitute, and appoint, you the said Generall Robert
Venables, Generall William Penn, Edward Winslowe, Daniell Searle,
Gregory Butler, to be our Commissioners for the ordering mannageing
and Govemeing the Affaires aforesaid, accordinge to the Instructions
herewith deliuered vnto you, and such others as you shall from time to
time receive from Vs, And therefore we doe hereby Strictly charge and
require you that you doe intend the said Service, and vse your vtmost
dilligence and endeavours for the Carrying on and promoting the same,
and observe, and keepe, and cause to be observed and kept, all and singu-
ler the said Instructions, and such others as you shall hereafter from time
to time receive from Vs, And we doe alsoe Streightlie charge and
Comand all others whome it may concerne to bee ayding and assisting
to you, and every of you, in the execution of the premisses, and to be
obedient to your Comands therein as becomes, as they and every of
them will answer the Contrarie at theire Perills. This Comission,
power, and authoritie, to continewe in force vntill Wee shall otherwise
order. In Witnes whereof wee haue caused these our Letters to bee made
Patents. Witnesse ourself at Westminster the Nineth day of December,
In the yeare of our Lord One thousand, Six hundred, Fifty and Fewer.
This is a true copy. Will Aylesbury Secret,
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APPENDICES 111
Instructions vnto Generall Robert Venables giuen by his
highnes by aduice of his councel vpon his expedition
TO THE West Indies^
Whereas We have by our Commission constituted and appointed you
Commander in Chief of the Land army and forces raised, and to be
raised, as wel in England, as in the parts of America, for the ends and
purposes expressed in the said Commission.
1. You shal therefore, immediatly upon the receipt of these
Instructions, repaire with the Forces aforesaid vnto Portsmouth, where
we haue appointed the Fleete designed for the afore-said service vnder
the Command of Generall William Penn, to take you with the said army
and forces aboard them to transport you into the parts aforesaid.
2. Whereas some additional Forces, as the seruice shal require, are
to be raised in the Island of Barbadoes, and other the English Islands
and Plantations, You shall vpon your arrival there, and vpon con-
sideration had with the Commissioners appointed to attend this seruice,
or any two of them (wherein also if you think fit you may admse with
some of the most experienced men in those parts), concerning the pre-
sent designe and the Nature thereof, vse your best endeauors by such
wayes, and meanes as you with the aduise of the said Commissioners or
any two of them, shal judge most conuenient and expeditious, to levy
and raise such numbers of souldiers as shal be found necessary for the
better carrying on of this designe, the said souldiers to be either taken
with you vpon your first attempt, or to follow after, as shal be by the
aduise aforesaid agreed and directed. And Wee haue thought fit to
leaue vnto your discretion, by the aduice aforesaid, what numbers of men
shal be raised, as also the manner and meanes of doing thereof, because
you may not at that distance be tyed vp by any instructions which may
not suite with, or be agreeable to such accidents as may happen and
fall out vpon the Place, but may be at liberty to proceed vpon the
Designe, either without any addition of Forces in the Islands and
Plantations aforesaid, or with a les or greater addition, as you shal find
the nature of the seiniice to require ; And you haue also Power and
British Maseam, Add. MS. 11410, f. 41.
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112 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Authority from time to time by your warrant to cause such further
supplyes of men to be leuyed in any the said Islands for the aforesaid
seruice, as you with the aduise aforesaid shal find necessary.
3. The designe in Greneral is to gain an Interest in that part of the
West Indies in the possession of the Spaniard, For the effecting
whereof We shal not tye you vp to a method by any particular
Instructions, But only communicate to you what hath bin vnder our
Consideration. Two or Three wayes haue bin thought of to that
purpose.
!•*. The first is to land vpon some of the Islands, and particularly
Hispaniola, and St. John's Island, one or both ; the first of them hath
no considerable place in the South part thereof but the City of S*^
Domingo, and that not being considerably fortifyed may probably be
possest without much difficulty, which being don, and fortifyed, that
whole Island wil be brought vnder obedience ; the cheif place of S*^
Johns Island is Porto Ricco. The gayning of these Islands, or either
of them, wil as We conceiue amongst many others haue these
aduantages.
1»^ Many English wil come thither from other parts, and soe those
places become Magazins of men and prouisions for carrying on the
Designe vpon the Mayne Land.
2. They wil be sure retreates vpon al occasions.
3. They lye much to the wind-ward of the rest of the K. of Spaines
dominions, and being in the hand of the Spaniard will enable him to
supply any part that is distressed on the mayne, and being in our hands
will be of the same vse to vs.
4. From thence you may possibly after your Landing there send
force for the taking of the Hauana, which lyes in the Island of Cuba,
which is the back dooreof the West Indies, and wil obstruct the passing
of the Spaniards Plate Fleete into Europe, And the taking the Hauana
is so considerable that We haue thoughts of beginning the first attempt
vpon that Fort and the Island of Cuba, and do stil judge it worthy of
consideration.
2. Another way We have had consideration of is, for the present to
wane the Islands, and to make the first attempt upon the mayne land,
in one or more places between the Riuer Orinoque and Porto Bello,
aymeing therein cheifly at Cartagena, which we would make the seate
of the intended designe, secureing some places by the way thereto that
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APPENDICES 113
the Spaniard might not be to the wind-ward of vs vpon the raayne land
wherein if you haue succes you will in al probability
1'* Be master of the Spanyards Treasure which comes from Peru by
the way of Panama in the South sea to Porto Bello or Nombre de Dios
in the North sea.
2. You wil haue houses ready built, a country ready planted, and
most of the people Indians, who wil submit to you, there being but few
Spanyards there as is informed.
3. You wH be able to put the Country round about under Contribu-
tion for the maintenance of the Army, and therewith by the Spoile
and other wayes probably make a great present retume of profit to
the Commonwealth.
There is a third Consideration and that is mixt relating both to the
Islands, and also to the mayne land, which is to make the first attempt
vpon S^. Domingo, or Porto Rico, one or both, and haueing secured
them to goe immediatly to Carthagena, leauing that which is to the
Windward of it to a farther opportunity, after you haue secured and
settled that City with what doth relate thereto, if God please to give
that place into your hands.
These are the things which haue bin in debate here, and haueing let
you know them We leaue it to you, and the Commissioners aforesaid
to be weighed vpon the place, that after due consideration had amongst
yourselues, and with such others as you shal thinke fit to aduise with
who haue a particular knowledge of those parts, to take such resolutions
concerning the making of the attempts, and the mannageing, and
carrying on this whole Designe, as to you and the said Commissioners,
or any two of them, shal seeme most effectual, either by the wayes
aforesayd, or such others as shal be judged more reasonable, And for
the bet^r enabling you to execute such Resolutions as shal be taken
in the piremisses. You are Hereby authorised and required to vse your
best endeavors, Wherein Gen" Penn Commander in Cheif of the Fleete
is by ws required to joyne with and assist you with the Fleete and sea
forces ffis often . as there shal be occasion to land your men vpon the
Territclries, Dominions, and Places belonging vnto, in the possession of
or claylmed by the Spanyards in America, and to surprise their forts,
take orl beate down their Castles and Places of strength, and to pursue,
kil, an<l destroy by al meanes whatsoeuer al those who shal oppose or
resist 7|ou there-in, and also to seize vpon al ships and vessels which
J
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114 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
you find in any of their Harbors, and also vpon al such goods as you
shal find vpon the land.
4. Such Eesolutions as shal be taken by you and the other Com-
missioners concerning the way and manner of making your first
attempt, and what you do designe therevpon, You shal certifye vnto
vs by an Expres, and as many other wayes as you can, To the end
We may know whither to send to you vpon al occasions that may
fall out.
5. In case it shal please God to giue you succes, such places as you
shal take and shal judge fit to be kept, You shal keep for the vse of
Ys and this Commonwealth, and shal also cause such goods and Prizes as
shal be taken to be deliuered into the hands of the said Commissioners,
That so they may be brought to a just and true account for the
publique advantage.
6. You haue Hereby powre with the aduise of the said Commis-
sioners, or any two of them, to place Garrisons in any such Places as
shall be taken in, and to appoint fit Governors thereof, and to giue
them Commissions vnder your hand and seale accordingly, And to
slight the said Garrisons, and remove the said Gouemors, as you by
aduise aforesaid shal thinke necessary and for our seruice.
7. You haue hereby power and Authority by the aduise aforesaid to
offer and giue reasonable Conditions to such persons as will submit to
our gouemment, and willingly come vnder our Obedience, and also to
treate and conclude for the surrendering of any Fort, Castle, or Place,
into your hands, Hauing in all your transactions Care of preseruiug
the Interest of this Commonwealth. And you are to vse your best
endeauors, so far as it is practical, that no dangerous person be suffered
to abyde long in any place possest by you, vnles they be in Custody ;
And such as shal be taken Prisoners, You shal vse your best eif^deauors
either by sending them into Europe, or otherwise as you shal fi^d most
expedient, that they may not be againe seruiceable to the Eniemy in
those parts.
8. You shal haue powre by the aduise aforesaid to raise sucfc forces
as shal be judged necessary in any of the parts which you shaAl gaine
the possession of as aforesaid, and to appoint Commanders and OfBcers
ouer them, and to arme, leade, Conduct, and dispose of them jior the
purposes aforesaid.
9. You shal giue vnto vs as Frequent accounts as may bje of al
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APPENDICES 115
proceedings, That soe you may receiue our farther directions there vpon
as shal be necessary.
10. Whereas all particulars cannot be foreseen, norpositiue Instruc-
tions for such Emergencies so before hand giuen but that most things
must be left to your prudent and discreet management as Occurrences
may arise vpon the place, or from time to time fal out, You are there-
fore ypon al such accidents relateing to your charge to vse your best
circumspection. And by aduise eyther with the said Commissioners or
your Councel of War as occasion may be, to Order and dispose of the
Forces vnder your Command as may be most advantagious for the
publique, and for obtaining the ends for which these Forces were raysed,
making it your special care in discharge of that great trust comitted to
you that the Commonwealth receiue no detriment.
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116
THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
APPENDIX B
A PERFECT LIST OF ALL THE FORCES UNDER THE COMMAND OF
HIS Excellency Generall Venables, taken at a Muster,
March 21st, 1654 »
[Th
£ regiment of
* General VeTiables]
-
Officers
Sonidlers
Stafle Offlcere
Generairs Company
12
69
8
Lt. Coll. Dawley 2 .
12
88
—
Maj. Mercer'
12
80
—-
Capt. Disney ^
12
82
„ Handcock ^
12
95
_
„ Butler 6
12
82
„ Hinde .
12
85
—
„ Parsons
12
89
—
„ Cooke .
12
87
—
„ Pawley ^
12
80
—
„ Paris
12
75
—
Officers 120 ; Souldiers 912, besides 10 Staffe Officers [sic^
' From the MSS. of the Duke of Portland. See the Hist, M8S. Comm. Report
on tJie Portland MSS* ii. 90. An earlier list, dated December 1654, is to be found
in the Calendar of State Papers^ Colonial^ Addenda 1574-1674, p. 90.
* Lieut. Col. Edward Doyley, made Colonel of another regiment about this date.
' Francis Mercer, who became subsequently Lieut.-Col. of Doyley's regiment.
* Henry Disney, died April 3, 1665. Thurloe, iii. 506.
^ Thos. Hancock, killed April 26, 1655. Thurloe, iii. 506.
* George Butler, killed on the same occasion as the last named officer, as was
also Captain Obadiah Hinde.
' Was this Captain Pawlet of the firelocks, mentioned on pp. 31, 131, 133 ?
* This regiment apparently contained eleven companies, and the total of officers
should be 132, not 120. The regiment of the General in the armies of the time
frequently contained one or more extra companies. /^^ t
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APPENDICES
117
[Md^or-OenercU Heane^s regiment]
-
Offloen
Sonldien
Stttffe Offloen
Major Generall[s company]
12
119
10
Lt. Coll. Clarke » .
12
111
—
1 Major Barry * . . .
12
111
—
Capt Walter «...
12
112
—
„ Tom^ .
12
97
—
„ WiUett.
12
99
—
„ Young*
12
119
—
„ Smith ....
12
90
—
„ Bamford« .
12
85
—
„ Archbould ' .
12
110
—
Officers 120 ; 1058 private souldiers [sic]^ besides 10 staff officers.
* Clarke died at sea on May 9, 1655, of wounds receiyed on April 26.
Memorials of Sir WilHam Penn, ii. 99, 100. The petition of bis widow, Amory, is
in Cal S. P. Dom, 1655, p. 306.
* Samuel Barry, subsequently Colonel of this regiment, who surviTed all the
hardships of the first colonists, and became after the Bestoration a member of the
Council of Jamaica and Governor of Surinam.
* Possibly this was Adjutant-General Walters, killed on April 18. Thurloe,
iii. 506.
* Gregory Tom, a member of the Jamaica Assembly in 1665.
* Bichard Young, who became later Adjutant-General of the army in Jamaica
and died there. Cal. Colonial State Papers, 1574-1660, p. 454.
* Bichard Bamford, subsequently Major, died in Jamaica. lb, pp. 454, 462.
' Henry Archbold, became finally Lieut.-Col. of the regiment of Colonel Carter
and was a member of the CouncU of Jamaica after the Bestoration. See also
Thurloe, y. 102, 128, 139 ; tI. 235.
* 1058 soldiers ?
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118
THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
[Colonel Fort€8cue*8 regiment]
-
Souldiers |
Staffe Offioers |
Coll. Fortescue
12
120
1
10
Lt. Coll. > . . . .
12
100
— 1
Major '-«
12
120
—
Capt. Bartlett » . . .
12
116
—
„ Leverington *
12
76
„ White ^
12
89
—
„ Davis ^ .
12
123
—
„ Wells 7
12
111
—
„ Keene ....
12
113
—
„ Edwards
12
96
—
GflBcers 120 ; 1052 souldiers [<fic]^, besides 10 staffe officers.
> Richard Holdip was originally Lieat.-Gol. of this regiment, bat at the end of
March he became Colonel of the regiment raised at Bt. Christophers and in other
islands.
'' William Hill, previously Major of Fortesone's, apparently succeeded Holdip
as Lieut.-Col. See Clarke Papers, iii. 56. Hill died, seemingly, before arriving at
Jamaica. See Cal State Papers, Col. 1574-1660, p. 454.
* Henry Bartlett, became Lieut.-Col. of the regiment and died in Jamaica. 16.
p. 455.
* Samuel Leverington, died of his wounds in April 1655. See p. 32.
^ Thomas White, subsequently Major. He was probably the author of the narra-
tive printed in Clarke Papers, iii. 54. See Cal, Staie Papers, Dom, 1655-^, p. 61.
" Bartholomew Davis, died in Jamaica. Cal. State Papers, Col p. 454.
' Bichard Wells, became Major and commanded this regiment from Sept. 1656.
He died about January 1657.
» 1064 soldiers?
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APPENDICES
119
[Colonel Anthony Buller^a regiment]
-
Officers
Souldlers
Stafle Officers
Coll. BuUer ....
12
135
10
Lt. Coll. Barrington *
12
95
—
Major Bland ^
12
86
—
[Capt] Barnard ^ .
12
96
—
„ Minne
12
83
—
„ Poulton
12
68
—
„ Throgmorton ^ .
12
98
—
„ Bingham .
12
82
—
„ Cooper*
12
88
—
„ Corbet «
12
85
—
Officers 120 ; 916 priv[ate] sould[icrs] besides 10 staffe officers.
' Francis Barrington, once of Henry Cromwell*s regiment of horse in the Irish
Army ; author of an excellent account of the Jamaica expedition printed in 7th
Beport nut. MS 8. Comm, pp. 571-5. Letters of his are also printed in the
Thurloe State Papers, iii. 646 ; vi. 376, 390, 512. He was accidentally shot about
January 1660. Col, State Papers, Col. Addenda, 1574-1674, p. 132.
* Michael Bland, Captain in Col. Phayre's regiment in Ireland in 1649, became
Lieut.-Col. of Col. Holdip's regiment, and seems to have died in Jamaica.
' Edward or Adam Baynard ? He died in Jamaica. Cal. State Papers, Col.
1574-1660. p. 454.
* Subsequently Major ; executed for mutiny about 1656. See Thurloe, v. 152 ;
Cal State Papers, Col Addenda, p. 124.
^ Christopher Cooper, died in Jamaica. Cal. State Papers, Col. 1574-1660,
p. 436.
" Vincent Corbet, became Major of the regiment and died in Jamaica. lb. p. 454.
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120
THE NAKKATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
[Colonel Andrew Carter* 8 regiment]
Coll. Carter .
Lt Coll. Bushell '
Major Forgeson "^
Capt. Holford^
Bowers*
Blunt .
How 5 .
Salkeild«
Fincher ^
Filkins«
Officers
Souldiors Staife Offioen
12
97
10
12
82
—
12
112
1
—
12
; ^^
—
12
112
—
12
63
—
12
83
—
12
62
—
12
64
—
12
72
—
Officers 120 ; 834 private souldiers, besides 10 staffe officers.
' Died in 1665. Cal, State Papers, Col, p. 454.
'* John Ferguson, killed April 26, 1655. Tharloe, iii. 506, 510. He appears to
have been transferred to the regiment of General Venables after this muster took
place.
* Nicholas Halford, one of the few officers who survived. Cai. State Papers^
Col. 1661-8, p. 117.
* Nathaniel Bowers, died before 1657. Cal. State Papers^ Dom. 1656-7, p. 134.
* See pp. 40-46, ante,
* Died in Jamaica. See Cal. State Papers, Col. p. 454.
^ Abraham Fincher, died in Jamaica about August 1656.
^ Filkins. Possibly the Lieut. John Filkins of Sir Hardress Waller^s regiment
in 1647. Clarke Papers, i. 32. He became Major of this regiment about October
1655. Mercurius Politicus, p. 5947.
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APPENDICES
121
[Colonel Edward Doyley^a regiment]
-
Officers
Souldlers
Staffe oncers
Coll. Moriis, but now
Dawley ^
Col.
12
18t
6
Lt. Coll.*
12
60
—
Maj. Read ^ .
12
114
—
Capt. Tho. ThoFDhill
12
75
—
„ Noell .
12
122
—
„ Smith .
12
30
—
„ Stevens ^
12
60
—
„ Vavaster
12
84
—
„ Thoraehill'^ .
12
66
—
„ Downes
12
35
—
Officers 120 ; souldiers 830, besides 10 [sic] staffe officers.
' This was the Barbadoes regiment, and Col. Lewis Morris, a planter there who
had helped to raise it, finally declined to go on the expedition unless his debts
were paid. Thurloe, iii. 250. Venables consequently gave its command to Edward
Doyley, his own Lieutenant-Colonel.
^ Major Francis Mercer, from the GeneraPs regiment, seems to have been
appointed Lieut. -Colonel.
' John Beade, died about April 1656.
* Richard Stevens, subsequently Major. See Mercurius PolitictiSt December
1657, p. 152, and April 1658, p. 448.
* On January 20, 1656, George Smithsby was appointed Captain of the company
late Capt. Augustine Thornhill's.
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122
THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
[Total of the six regiments]
Officers 720
Private soukliers .... 5702 ^
StaflTe Officers .... 60
6482
[Miscellaneous Forces']
Scoutmaster G^enerall's Company ^
60
Traine of Artillery 3
50
Capt. Johnson, Officers 1 2 *
120
Capt Carpenter 10' .
56
Ref ormados 2 ^ .
100
Capt. Haines and part of Capt
JonesTroope^ .
65
besides 12
officers.
455
Officers 36, souldiers 455
[Grand total 6482, 455, 36 = 6973.]
I There is some mistake iu the figures. The total of the private soldiers in the
dififerent regiments, taking the numbers given, only amounts to 5602.
' Isaac Berkenhead was Scoutmaster-general. See Thnrloe, iii. 157, 523.
' Captain Hughes commanded the artillery. See p. 82, and Thurloe, iii. 507.
* This is evidently a foot company, possibly firelocks attached to the train.
* Philip Carpenter. See p. 31 and Thurloe, vi. 691. This was a troop of horse
raised in Barbadoes. See Thurloe, iii. 825.
* Capt. Jennings of the Heformados was killed on April 18, and on the 26th the
Beformados were out to pieces, only seventeen escaping. Thurloe, iii. 506.
' Captain Haines, or rather Captain Heane, son of the Major-General, com-
manded a troop of horse raised at Barbadoes. Captain Jones commanded the troop
raised in England, but he himself and most of them had been driven back by a
storm.
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APPENDICES 123
APPENDIX C
Additional Documents from the Papers of General Vexables
[These are derived from the Venables MSS. in the possession of
Mr. Lee Townshend, copied by Dr. Grardiner.]
I
Jamayca — Cotmcell of Warre held at St Jago della Vega the
16 of June,
Present.
The Generall Coll. Carter
Major Generall Fortescue Coll. Holdipp
Coll. Doylye Adjutant Gen" Berkenhead
Q*^ Master Gen. Ruding Lt. Coll. Barrington
Lt. Coll. Bartlett Lt. Coll. Bland.
Ordered.
1. That Commissary Generall Clearke bee appointed C[ommiflsion]er
of all prizes taken by the army, and that his acquittance be sufficient
for any person that shall bring in any prizes, and his discharge to any
one that shall bye them ; and that for the present hee shall have
a gratuity for soe doeing : and if afterwards it shall amount to any
considerable vallue hee shall then bee allowed a sallary.
2. That the Judge Advocate bee appointed cheque.
3. That a letter be written to Generall Penn that the Strong Row-
land and the sugar in it, being 50,000 lbs, bee reserved for the use of
the army.
4. That the Field Officers keepe their howse in the town, and two
howses besides (so that there is 5 for every regiment).
5. That Major White ^ have a firlogh for 9 months, in which tyme if
hee retume not, hee b to lose the benefitt of his imployment or place.
' Thomas White, Major of Fortescne's regiment. See p. 118.
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124 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
II
Instructi[(m8]for Coll, Blandy June 1, 1665.
1. You are to march with the Horse and Foote under your
commande in this party unto the river Minoa, and to quarter in
the Estantias about the hill, as neare together as with convenience
you can.
' 2. You are to preserve all the plantations with those at Yana [t]
from the enemy, that they receive no releife from thence, and alsoe to
ta^e care that your owne men doe not mine or spoyle them, nor shoote
any cattle, and also that they be not permitted to digg up any cassavy,
but by order, and that they doe not spoyle any sugar cane or worke or
fruit trees.
3. You are to secure in stores, and send^to this towne according to
further orders, all the . . . sugar . . . hides, salt, bedsteads, graine,
and provision, copper [1] cauldrons, howsehold stuff of all sorts, and all
materialls for planting.
4. You are to take up all horses, carts, draughts, for*raiseing horse
and dragoons for the army, and send them to this place.
6. You are to hinder the soldiers from killing any tame cattle, save
in case of necessitye, and that by order, and to that end you are to
appoint a commissary, that so equall distribution may bee made of
what is killed.
6. You are to block up the enemy in the hills, woods, and moun-
taines, and if advantage bee offered, by the advice of a councell of warre
to pursue the armie or the enemy, or to doe or act any thing or things
for the reduceing the enemy and promoteing his Highness' [interest].
7. Whatsoever pillage or booty you shall gaine from the enemy
you are to bring into publique accompt, and deliver over the same to a
commissary, or some one that is faithfull and trusty, that it may be
divided equally for the generall good.
8. You are to leave 160 men at Don Duarte Acosta his estantia.
9. You are to send to the headquarters in this place constant
[information] from [tyme] to tyme of all occurr[ences].*
' filand executed his orders very badly. See Barrington's letter in 7th Rep,
Hist, MS8, Com. p. 674.
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APPENDICES 125
III
Commissions delivered to severall officers att llispaniola and Jamayca,
Novemb' 1654 Mr. Thomas Gage, chaplaine to the GeneralFs Regi-
ment.
March 1655.
14[?] John Daniell, Auditor Generall
26 John Reade, Major to Coll. Doylye
31 William Smith, Captaine | Coll.
31 Henry Debben, Lieut, to the said Y Fortescue's
Capt. Smith ) Regiment
April 10 Richard Fortescue, Major Generall
15 Richard Bamford, Major to the R[egimentJ lat« M[ajor]
G[eneral'sJ
16 Isaac Berkenhead, Adjute Generall •
25 James Butler, Adjutant Generall
25 Robert Smith, Major
25 Wm. Wingbell, Capt.
25 Henery Skep worth, Ens to Major Smith ' G[enerars]
25 Ralph Swinerton, Leut.
25 Edward Sackwell, Capt.
2 Ralph Betts, Capt.
28 Thomas Smith, Ensigiie [to] Capt. Bing[ham] '
30 Vincent Corbet, Major
30 John Barrow, Ensigne
30 John Vaughan, Chaplaine
30 Michael Bland, Lieut. Coll. ) Coll. Hold[ip's]
30 James Bland, Ensigne to his father ) Regiment
14 Stephen Rosse, Capt. ) M[ajor] Generall's
29 John Hamilton, Capt. ) Regiment
May 1655.
10 Thomas Heane, Coll. in Coll. . . .
' Regiment
Coll.
Buller's
Regiment
' Sooatmaster General ' this should be.
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126
THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
10
5
10
10
10
20
20
20
10
10
10
20 lor 10
10
10
15
Hen. Goddard, Ensigne
Lieut CoL Ward
John Ballard, Lieut to him
Thomas Elendere [?], Ens. to Capt. Bets
Abram Peg, Capt.
Henry Ferrobosco, Lt. to Capt. Bets
Hen. Potter, Capt. Lieut
Robert Minshin, Ensign to the G[eneral] ,
GreneralFs
Regiment
Coll. B[uller]
15
15
10
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
19
Thomas Allen, Capt. Lt. to
Sam Greene, Ensigne to
Capt. Sprye
1 John Fisher, Lt. to Capt. Hyde '
Robert Stephens, Ens to I Coll.
Capt. Downes [ Doyly
Hum. Groves, Lieut, to the said Capt.
James Berry, Capt. Lt. to i
James Holdip, Ensigne to Capt. ) Coll.
Clapthome f Holdipp.
Hen. Bartlett, Lieut. Coll. ] -^
Thomas White, Major ^^^^ ^^^
Ralph Hardwick, Lt. to Capt ) ^ ^
David Dugla, Ens. to Capt D]
James Ruddiard, Lt. to Capt;
Wm. Hall, Ensigne to the said Capt. Ro^l ] Major
Thomas Hill, Captaine Generalls
Ben. Gordward, Lt. to the sd. Capt. J Regiment
Thomas Freeman, Ensigne ^
Matthew Paine, Lt. to Capt Fry
Antho. How, Ens. to Capt Corbett
Hen. Midleton, Lt. to Major Corbett
George Audlye, Capt., Coll. Clerks Regiment^
Richard Holdipp, Coll to the Regiment late Major Generall
Heane.
' These commissions should probably all be dated May 10, and Hyde is probably
a mistake for Sprye.
* Uncertain whether belonging to the Major General's regiment or the next.
* Col. Clarke who succeeded Heane died M(*y 9.
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APPENDICES 127
APPENDIX D
Letters concerning the English Expedition into the
Spanish West Indies in 1655 *
On Saturday the H*** of Aprill 1655, wee landed on the Hand
Hispaniola about 7500 men, at Punto de Nizao, about 7 leagues west-
ward from St. Domingo. The regiments were these of the General,
Major General Heane, CoUonel Fortescue, Collonel Cart[er], Collonell
D'Oilie, Collonel Goodson (the sea regiment), and halph of Colonel
Holdhip's regiment. There were alsoe a company of Reformados, two
troops of horse, and the Scout Master General's foot troopers, and
Captain Pawlets fire locks. These were landed very well, and without
opposition of the enemie, in a good sandy bay, being all victualled for 3
dayes, besides that of landing.
About 4 of the clock in the aftemoone we began our march, though
without guide, the Reformados leading the van, in manner of a forlome,
the Scout master General's foot troopers in the reare of them, and
Captain Pawlet's firelocks on both wings in the woods to discover
ambuscados, and Collonel D'Oilie's regiment was in the van of the
armie with the Generall in person. Thus wee marched some 3 or 4
miles to a large sevanna or plaine, where wee discovered some few of the
enemie's horse, that did indeavour to hem in a file of Reformados that
went before to alarme the body, but upon sight of the body they fled.
It being by this time night, the army drew up on the said sevanna or
plaine, and quartered there all night. About 10 of the clock this night
came to us part of the horse, and part of Collonel D'Oilie's I'egiment
that were not landed when we marched. Wee had heere the benefit of
a river adjoyning, running levell, as all the rest wee saw on that
Hand did; on this sevanna there was only a cowkiller's house, (which is
a great profession in their Hand by reason of the innumerablenesse of
wilde cattle, which they kill for their hydes and tallow sake only,
leaving the flesh to be devoured,) which the souldiers burnt.
> BawUnson MS. D. 1208, f. 62, Bodleian Library.
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128 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
The next day being the Sabbath day and the 15"* of Aprill, after
prayer early in the morning wee began our march : the forenoone wee
marched through severall faire sevannas, one of them being 8 miles
round by guesse, where wee observed that the enimie had burnt up
the grasse to drive the cattle from the sevannas that were in the
armie's march, ere noon severall of our men dropt downe dead for want
of water, about noon we came to a river neare dried up, where wee
refresht and marcht downe by the sea side about a mile, where the
Major Generall discovered the enemie at a fire. Our scouts made up
and chaced them into the woods, where the enemie lying hid at the
said scouts returning killed one of them, vizt. Capt. Allen, one of the
GeneralVs kinsmen, another we lost, being a trooper and his horse,
hearing noe more of him ; after this rested one houre having marched
10 miles ; after which without resting wee marched through a lane
arched about with orange trees, exceeding smooth, and soe shadowed
that the sun could not shine in upon us. Heere our souldiers refresht
themselves with oranges. This lane lasted 7 miles, being soe broad
that 6 men could march a brest ; at the end of which the enemie
ambuscadoed, expecting straglers, and fired upon a file that were a lost
forlome (used onely for to alarme the army), but did noe execution ;
whereupon the whole army chased them, running about a mile, and
killed one upon the place ; the enemie wee supposed to be 16 (this
was a gigantike man as they generally were, and by his habit t one of
them that killed 2 of our 3 scouts) ; at the end of which chace wee
came up to a plantation and the channel of a river, where wee found
water standing in severall holes, it having beene a very dry time in
the country of late, and the rainy monthes at hand ; the rear of the
army quartered in the said plantation ; the van stretched a mile
and a halfe farther into a high way, through which wee marched, and
there lay that night in greate scarcity of water, with sad and weary
limbs having in all marched that day 18 miles.
Munday the 16^** wee began to march about 6 of the clock in the
morninge, where, with a forlome. Coll. Fortescue's regiment had the
van ; we had not marched above a quarter of a mile, ere we came to a
sugar mill, which was in a village having severall houses. This planta-
tion yeilded good water, brave hoggs, and fruits, which place was
perhaps through the tyrednesse of the scout not discovered over night,
whereby our quarters mought have been mended. Heer was alsoe a
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APPENDICES 129
chappell furnished with good store of popish trumperie, which wee
wasted. Wee found all their goods carried away, except a great
quantity of good sugar the army tooke with them to drinke with their
water and oranges, and to eate with their bread, as alsoe about a ship
loading of cow hydes dry'd, which were not embesled. Heere was
alsoe found soe greate and strong an iron chest that it could neither
be removed nor broken open by such of the souldiery as attempted it ;
which our Generall not knowing of till wee were marched two miles
thence, was much troubled thereat, whereby to have opened it by some
more forcible meanes. At this place wee tooke a prisoner, but could get
him to confesse nothing, not soe much as his name ; him wee tooke
along with us and used civilly. About halfe a mile farther wee came
to a faire large river of good water, where the army dranke, and about
halfe a mile another. A mile farther wee came to a sevanna about 2
miles long, at the side whereof were some houses, and a sugar planta-
tion, one of them was a faire house where we found sugar and cotton,
horse, hoggs, and fowle. It being about ten of the clocke wee rested
till a little after noone, and advancing wee found a large lake of good
water, and therein good store of wilde fowle, as duck and mallard <tc.
And marching through woods and small sevannos about 4 miles, where
being some small plantations by the way, our horse in some of them
were furnished with Indian wheat. After which we came to a river
called Hinum distant 3 leagues from St. Domingo, where wee stayed
one houre, and discrying over the said river a man, the Generall sent
over one of the forlorne swimming to discover him, who found him to
be one of Coll. Holdhip's men that was left behind sicke ; this man
told us of the landing of Coll. Buller's and halfe of Coll. Holiihipp's
regiment at that place, being a sandy bay where the army afterwards
lay ; heere the enemie had fortified a passe, neare a small old fort with
breast workes of bush and sand that lay at the most convenient landing
place, heertofore the place where Sir Francis Drake landed when he
tooke St. Domingo. However up)on sight of Coll. Buller's forces, being
1500, the enemie quitted the place, and consequently such an advantage
as that 100 good souldiers might have beaten back an armie. This
river before mentioned the army did desire to foard, and had but for
want of sufficient tryal, through defect whereof wee marched 4 miles
that night exterordinary, and by our forlomes often loosing their way
a mile more wide the river. At the end whereof wee came to a sevano
K
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130 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
of long grasse, where wee quartered that night without any kind of
refreshment, water or other, save a very few oranges, and our victualls
which wee brought with us out of the shipps were now spent ; this
dayes march wee supposed to be 12 English miles. This night the
Generall, sending the horse to looke for water, discovered a foarding
place over the river, and then sent downe a commanded party of 1800
men to make good the place. In the night an out centry kill'd a
Spaniard refusing to stand.
Tuesday, the 17 of Aprill wee began our march about 4 of the
clock in the mominge, and ere sun risinge wee with joy enough foarded
the river whereby to drinke, and then came to certaine coca trees, of
which fruite they make theire chocolate. After which we marched
through small sevannos and woods, where wee found an Irishman who
gave us false intelligence, though we compeld him with us, which after-
wards cost him his life ; a mile farther another sevanno, where we rested
an houre, neer which the souldiery caught severall sheepe and goates.
Whilst wee were thus resting, some stragglers of ours found certaine
baggage horses of the enemies, which they tooke, and discovered alsoe a
number of houses, which was a sugar worke where there was sugar
onely remaining, the other goods were conveighed away ; theere was
alsoe a chappell (as by every sugar worke there was found to bee), as
alsoe a prison and stocks. The soldiers brought forth a large statue of
the Virgin Mary, well accoutered, and palted her to death with oranges.
Heere alsoe they found a black Virgin Mary to enveigle the blackes to
worship. At this plantation the armie rested one houre, where we
found an old Spaniard that would give us noe materiall intelligence ;
heere there came in a negro to us, who had civill entertainment and
the Generall's protection ; he gave us hopes of more negroes comming
in, which succeeded not. There came in alsoe a negroe who had
formerly served Sir Thomas Warner, Govemour of the Hand St.
Christophers, and was taken [and] enslaved by the Spaniards ; he spake
good English and Spanish, and proved very true, and killed 2 of the
Spaniards charging with us, he obtained his freedome. Thence wee
marched to the towne led by our Irish guide in a fair broad road, the
ground being hard the reflective heat forced severall haltes, though
against the will of the Commanders. About 4 of the clock Coll. BuUer's
forces fell in with us, soe we came together into a very large road where
20 men might march a brest, and was very neare a white fort of about
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APPENDICES 181
9 gonns neare the sea side, which alsoe stood neere that road. The
General! with the engineer and some few more going in a carelesse
manner before the forlome to view the fort, the engineer doubting
an ambuscadoe, discovering one of the enemie lying flat on the ground
the centinell fired upon him, whereupon they immediately broke out
upon our forlomes, and routed them totally, and killed about 20 upon
the place, whereof were Capt. Catts of the sea regiment that com-
manded the forlome, Adjutant Generall Captain Thomas Walters,
Capt. Cox one of our pilots, Mr. Temple the Generall's owne secretary,
and Mr. Murford the Commisary assistant secretary, with severall
other brave fellowes. Upon the retreat of the forlome Capt. Pawlet's
firelocks that were in their reare shamefully rann, and beate the
Keformados into disorder, which they soone recovered, and faced the
enemie a great while, (who were drawing into order ere either side
fired) to let the fainting army draw up in the reare, and Coll. Murfy an
Irishman on horseback, being in the head of the Spaniards, waved a
handkercheife, whether by way of bravado or what, is not knowne ; as
soon as the enemie were in order, he brandished a broad fauchion, upon
[which] the enemie fired 2 vollies on the Reformados without [their]
returning an answer, our armie [then being] not fully in order in the
rear, but their third was soe answered that they ran from the hearing
of it, bearing away theire dead and wounded ; they did little mischeife
with their shott, save that they killed Capt. Jennings, captain of the
Reformados, and one Reformado. Assoon as they fled they did play
upon us with their cannon out of the fort, within pistoll shot of us on
the right hand, though to small purpose ; the fort was before undis-
covered by meanes of some young wood about 16 foot high between us
and it. .
The sea regiment that had the van chaced the enemie a mile to a
great sevanno before the towne, and there stood : meane while some
cannon from the citty waUs fired at them in 2 places. In their chace
the Generall came out of the wood to them, where he had layen hidd
beyond the enemies ambuscadoes. There was about midway from the
fort to the sevanno a small waU fort, out of which [the] enemie ran,
ere wee came neare them ; most part of the army passed the fort that
played on us where we rested our fainting army ; the great guns from
the said fort gawling us much. Thus wee lay without water, ready to
perish, and of hunger and want of sleep, till about midnight wee drew
K 2
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132 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
of, [and] inarched towards the great sugar worke where we rested the
day before. In this march our men fainted excessively, the General!
himselfe being not a little put to it. About 6 or 7 of the clock in the
mominge we reached this sugar worke, where with sugar and oranges
and sleep wee made good refreshment. After noon wee marched downe
2 miles to the sea side where Coll. BuUer landed, and there lay. Heere
wee were in some kind of quiet, having the River Hinnum for our
refreshment, and victuall at halfe allowance from the shipping that
attended heer. While the Generall, Viceadmirall, and severall other
shipps, road and crossed before the towne, which were shot at frequently
by the Castle and other forts, and answered by our shipps into the
houses of the towne. It being resolved wee should confront the towne
to encourage the armie, but God be blessed wee lost not one man from
our shipps, although we rode within a mile or so of the towne and
forts, nor receved but few shots, the enemie being none of the best
marksmen.
On Fryday the 20 of Aprill the enemie came to us to our very
guards with a considerable partie ; they killed severall of our straglers
as they came, and then set upon the van of the guarde somewhat rashly
in a very narrow way, but were soone put to the runn, leaving their
captaine, a gallant brave fellow, and 6 or 7 more behinde them dead ;
wee lost but one of ours in the charge. In the pockets of these were
found the Pope's Bulls, an Agnus Dei, and some reliques in the Captain's
purse, else nought.
Saturday, Sunday, and Munday we lay still.
On Tuesday the 24 of April wee begann our march againe towards
the towne, with a mortar peice, 2 small feild peices, and other carriages
drawne by men, in that hott and little water'd country, and 6 dayes
provision at halfe allowance, wee reached that night but 2 miles, and
soe lay without water.
Wednesday the 25 we began our march againe, intending to passe
the fort neer the towne as before, as alsoe the sevanno befor the towne
where the shipping lay readie to land water for us under their cannon
and the enemie's alsoe. About 4 of the clock, sufficiently faint and
almost choaked of thirst, wee came neare the fort, where wee were put
in order by the Majour Generall. The forlome of 240 was commanded
by Adjutant Generall Jackson and Capt. Butler of the Generall's
regiment. Next to them the Reformados and Capt, Pawlet's firelocks
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APPENDICES 138
in their rear, then followed Capt. Carpenter's horse with the Major
Generall Hean in the head of them, the Generall's regiment had the
van of the armie, thus wee marched after wee came into the broad
lane neere the fort, in a good full body, shoulder to shoulder and to
swords point. When we came neere the fort wee saw that the enemie
had cleered away all that young wood from before the fort, which
before did shrowd it, soe that now the lane lay open to the fort.
Afisoone as wee came within convenient distance they let flie 7 guns
with case and round shot upon us, neverthelesse all that were before
the horse pass't the fort soe farr that they were beyond the open
ground, and there fell into an ambuscado of the enemie. Ours fired
indiscreetly upon them in a volley, upon which the enemie taking that
advantage, and following soe close and in good order upon the forlome,
that they were forced to a disorderly retreat, passing by the Reformados.
Heereupon Capt. Pawlet's firelocks that were in their rear, ere they saw
the enemie ran, together with the forlome, and left the small spot of
Reformados standing, which were soone borne downe, there being left
of 55 that charged that day about 18. The enemie together with those
that fled disorderly routed the horse that came up to charge, and all
the van of the armie, soe that enemie with theire lances killed untill
they were weary of killing, falling cheifly among the bravest of our
men. The enemie carried of with them 8 colours, vizt. the Reformados',
the firelock volunteers', 5 of the Generall's, and 1 of the Major Generall's.
The persons of note that fell by this small partie of the enemie (which
were not conceived to be above 80 at the most), were, first Majour
Generall Hean, who charged with the horse, and afterwards in the
middest of the rout quitted his horse, and went on alone on foot,
being very ill armed, where ho stood till he was killed by the enemie ;
his Lieutenant Collouel died shortly after of his wounds. The Generall
lost his Major, and three Captaines, the bravest of his regiment.
Captain Pawlet was kilVd flying ; very many more ofl&cers and other
stout men were there shamfuUy killed. After all this slaughter the
enemie was beaten back by 4 files of well disciplined men of the
Generall's, but were first wearied with killing. Upon this wee regained
our ground, and planted our mortar peice neere the fort, notwithstand-
ing the great mischeife the enemie did us with their great guns, who
scarce shot a shott in vaine. By morning wee had brought our morter
peice ready to play, when the Generall being forced by the faintnesse
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134 THE NARRATIVE OF OaffERAL VENABLESI
of the army sent an order for the drawing of the morter peice with all
silence, who was once in mind to have left it behind, doubting whether
the souldiers were able to bring it off ; wee buried the shells in the
place, and a little way thence fired the carriages, and soe wee stole
away. The enemie pursued us not. The whole armie except the rear
guard marched away in all manner of disorder, hasting to get water,
which they found not untill they came to the bay where they lay, and
there dranke to excesse, and soe having noe other nourishment, because
they generally lost their victualls as well as their armes, shovells,
pickaxes, and hatchets in the rout, they suddenly fell into the flux.
About 1500 of the stragglers thus drinking, there came downe to them
2 of our owne negroes to drink likewise, which some of them spying
cried * the enemy,' upon which all imediatly threw away their armes,
and ran for it, some for feare leapt into the river, whereof 3 were
drowned, soe much were we cow'd and daunted. About night the rear
came up, though with much adoe, they did soe faint for want of water,
and incamped in our old ground in the raine for want of our tents ; for
wee found by sad experience that it rained little or much everie night,
which raine, the cold therewith, and our want of victuals, did much
increase the flux amongst us, and weakned our hartlesse armia Heere
at a councell of warr Adjutant Generall Jackson was tried for cowardize,
[who] being ordered to lead up the vann of the forlome, followed in the
reare, where he was cashiered, and had afterwards his sword broken over
his head, and in irons sent aboard on hospitall shipp till farther order.
Wee sent out parties frequently to fetch in victualls, but for want of
our men's fighting many of them were cut of : and once our men sur-
rounding some cattle, fired at them, and kill'd one another, soe that 16
fell in one day after this heedlesse manner : 10 of the enemie would
usually cause 100 of ours to flie, and leave their officers to be killd,
soe great a feare and terrour did God strike into the hearts of our
men. Which the commanders and feild officers perceiving, it was at a
councell resolved to attempt St. Domingo noe more, but retire to
Jamaica, whereby the sick and faint armie might rest a little and
recruite aboard, and not lye in the raine, it being of it selfe enough to
wash away an armie. Upon this wee got our men aboard in 2 dayes,
in a most sad and lamentable condition, having never seen men soe
altered in soe small a time. The enemie during the shipping of our
men, never disturbed them in the least, but as the saying is, made them
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APPENDICES 185
a golden bridge ( [out] of question) to be gone. The shipping having
noe provision for the horse, though they cost some thousands in England
and the Barbadoes, especially there being some single horses of 100*^
sterling each, were with such as were to be ^ on the Hand shot and
killed, some of which were taken and eaten by the souldiers as a greate
delicate.
This done, Fryday the 4*^ of May the ships weighed from before
the towne, and we set saile, having lost of our armie about 1000 men,
and 2 or 3000 armes in 20 dayes. And the armie having scarce
2000 healthfull men amongst them to doe service. The losse which the
enemie susteined wee conceive not to have been above 40 men in all.
For the country of Hispaniola, our knowingst men doe conclude it
as fruitf ull and pleasant, as is express't by severall authors, who doe set
it out as deserving the greatest accomodations ^ of any Hand in these
Indies if not the whole world. The mould of the earth is of a hazell
colour, the grasse in many of the sevannos high, though in this dry
season, and that not broad leaved and ranke as in the Barbadoes, but
small and sweet like unto the English grasse. It abounds with cattle, as
beeves and hoggs, tame and wild, soe that you cannot goe many stepps
from the sight of some of them ; there are alsoe sheep, and goates, and
delicate fowle for food or pleasure, parrats and parrakitos good store.
The place is not much stored with people as heeretofore, by reason of
other plantations since inhabited where silver and gold is found, this
Hand being at present not inquired into for either of them. Their
maine trade is hides, sugars, tobaccos, and coccolate &c, which they
exchange for wine and apparell from Spaine, the rest they want not
greatly. To this may bee added the greate healthf ulnesse of the place,
and temperatnesse of the aire especially in the nights.
The towne of St. Domingo is scituate on a plaine, next the sea side,
in a bay to the westward of a river running by the eastward part thereof,
a most safe and convenient harbour for shipping not drawing above 16
feet water. The towne is walled to the westward, hath the river to the
eastward, the sea to the southward : but to the northward it hath onely
a lime hedge growing thick about it, but since our men being there we
doubt not but the enemie hath perfected his line and breastworke of
earth, which he was throwing up all the time we delayed comming before
the towne. They shot upon us in the shipps, and by land on our men
* Buoh as were taken ? * commendations?
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136 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
in 6 several! places, castles, forts, and the towne walls ; what other
places whence they might plant their cannon they had, wee know not,
onely wee beleeve they had 100 peice of ordnance on carriag to annoy
us if occasion were, as by them that came to us. "Wee could espye
about 11 or 12 churches and religious houses, which seemed to be stately
stone and bricke buildings, these shadowing the other northern build-
ings of the towne, which wee compute to be four square and 2 miles
about at least. Every night wee had a most delicious scent from of the
shoare 1^^ the land wind as could possibly be smelt of the fruits, blos-
somes, "«,nd herbs of the towne, there being many gardens joyning to
the houses. They cannot make above 1700 men in armes in St.
Domingo, but by reason of the advantage we gave them, and the
governors sending for supplies out of the other small townes, there were
thought to be thrice that number. Sir Francis Drake tooke it. Anno
Domini 1586, with 1000 men the same day he landed, kept it a month,
and sold it for about 7000^* sterling, because for want of men he could
not inhabit it. God was not pleased to deliver it up unto us though with
9500, and 80 saile of great shipps and small vessels, soe that never were
men more disapoynted then some of us, nor did the hearts of English
men faile them more then in this attempt. There was nothing to be
atributed to the valour of the Spaniard towards his owne preservation
in all this, for he was very ready to fly when we ran not, but onely to
God, who respited the enemie, because perhaps he found the reformers
worse then the unreformed themselves ; and surely a more ungodly army
of professed protestants this wicked world cannot afford (and 'twere
pitty it should), which I conceive to be the inward cause of our mis-
fortune and disgrace.
On Saturday the 5 of May the fleet stood away for the Hand of
Jamaica. On Tuesday wee saw the Hand of Navasa like a small bowling
greene, when Commissary Winslow died, and was thrown overboard ;
the Generall, Vice Admirall, and Rere Admirall shott severall guns at
his funerall.
On Wednesday morning, being the 9**** of May, wee saw Jamaica
Hand, very high land afarr off.
Thursday the 10^*^ our souldiers in number 7000 (the sea regiment
being none of them) landed at the 3 forts, or rather breast workes,
about the point, [in] which there were 8 peece of ordnance yet had btit
3 mounted, which played at us making about 20 shott ; there were of the
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APPENDICES 137
enemie about 300 men likewise to resist us with small shott, but all
missed our men, who seing them desperately bent to land, leaping up
to the middle in water, they abandoned the forts ; the Martin gaily
playing apace upon the Spaniard under whose gunns wee landed.
These 3 forts, or rather breast workes, were very strong and cannon
proof e ; from these forts our men marched through a sevanno to the high,
way in a wood leading to the towne, where about half a mile farther,
there was another brest worke for cannon and musquetiers, which without
resistance we passed, and within a little mile of the towne, ^Jjich lay 5
miles from the sea side, there was another strong brest wor£'«^ with 2
very greate murderers to scoure the lane, where the enemie likewise
appeared not ; breif their strength was such that if the enemie had
behaved himself e manfully he mought have worsted us. It was Fryday
the IP^ of May when the army marched into the towne, about 2 in the
afternoon. In the afternoon of Saturday the 1 2^^ a Spaniard with a
white flagg comming to our outguards, desiring a treaty was conducted
unto the Generall. A treatie was agreed on, and 3 commisioned by
their Governour, who was carried out of towne in a hammock for the
pox ; meane while the enemie sent us 300 head of leane cattle, on pur
pose to make the least of the country.
On Tuesday the 15 it was agreed that the Spaniard should come in
that day sennight out of the woods where they then lay, and bring in
all their armes, and by the 16 June to be transported to Nuova Spania
[and] have each man 2 suits of cloathes, 4 shifts, and to leave all there
goods and negros to us, which may be about 3 or 4000. To dayes
before their comming in was expired, they sent a letter (notwithstanding
their 3 hostages whereof their pocky Governour was one) in to our
Commissioners, [complaining of] the severity of the articles, to which
if they complied, they were utterly ruined, and desired rather to expose
their lives to the hazzard of warr then to condescend to such termes.
Wee endeavored to hold them to such termes as they gave us at
Providence Hand ; our Commissioners were Major Generall Fortescue,
Coll. Holdhip, and Coll. Doylie.
Upon this letter of the enemies our Generall, by advice of one of the
Spanish Commissioners (who exclaimed against the treachery of the
revolted Spaniards in the bushes, declaring them rebells, in that they
submitted not to the Articles), sent Coll. Buller with 2100 by sea and
land to fall on the enemie neere a river 7 leagues to leeward our towne,
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138 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
but the eDemie was dispersed,^ and onely a partie of about 300 faced
our party awhile, being most horse, and soe went their wayes, never
endeavouring to engage but to fly from us, having secured most of their
best goods, their ordinarie lumber, as beds, bedsteds, tables, and some
chaires, lying scattered 3 or 4 miles to and againe in the country. As for
the towne, which they call St. Jago of the plaine, there was found very
little household siufle, and none but bedsteds, tables, and old chaires,
except about 10000 hides lying in the houses on the floures for their
slaves <kc. to lie on, which were brought into a church, and ready to be
sent to New England, for bisket, meal, and pease.
Fryday, the last of May, Coll. Buller retum'd with all his men in
verie good order and health, being onely able to drive away the enemie,
who of late had driven away the cattle from about the sevannos neer
us, and soe to discover the country, bringing noe materiall plunder with
them save some beds and tobacco. Upon consultation at his arrivall,
and considering that the onely way to famine the enemie by keeping
him from his Cassavi bread, it was concluded that the next day a partie
of a 1000 men should disperce and settle att severall plantations, where
the other should follow in due time, to inhabit the country, which will
be devided among the regiments, and every man to have his proportion
of goods from the provence thereof, they manuring it themselves. And
for the better carrying on heereof a committee is appoynted for the
benefitt of the country. Soe farr our voiage and designe by land. By
sea wee keep upon this coast, to cruse and lie in waite for the enemies'
shipps, 12 friggats of good force, which are now readie to saile, and must
attend this service till another squadron be sent to releive them.
As for the country it is much like that of Hispaniola, never a whit
inferior in any particular, it is fuller of plaine, and better water'd by
odds, most pleasant and healthful to the utmost, we have a land wind
and a sea wind as at Hispaniola. The commodities of this country are
sugar, Spanish tobacco, cotton, chocolate, hides, severall sorts of wood
as Lignum vit», Brazill, or such sorts. Indigo will grow, so alsoe wine
and oile. The King of Spaine to advance those 2 commodities having
prohibited the growth thereof as the Spaniard tells us. Barley we have
found and pease, so that we hope to brew beere and ale in time. Tis
not soe hot as Italy by day, and cooler by night and mornings. The
dayes difler a little in length ; at 7 of the clock it growes darke, and it
is light at 5 in the morninge. There are noe other cities nor townes,
> See 7th Bep. Hist. MSS. Comm. pp. 571, 574.
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APPENDICES 139
bat this on the Hand, and heere wee have above 1000 houses ; the
streets not regular onely some, many of the houses of good brick and
timber covered with tile made heere, other houses of clay and reeds,
which doe reasonable well. Wee found onely 2 small shipps in the har-
bour, one was sunke, the other had chocolate, with wood tables and
bedsteds readie made, and other goods. Wee have inumerable many
wilde and tame cattle that feed by thousands on the sevannos, hoggs,
and horses alsoe. The horse much better and larger than those of
Hispaniola, soe that better horse are [not] to be seen in England.
Victuals heere is therefore reasonable. Wee have butchers heere that
kill for the army, and we have sufficient thereof, and bread of Cassavi
with beskett. The 3 rainy winter months are August, September, and
October, after which the horse and cattle are very fatt, and now at the
worst some of them fatt enough. Wee have now 2 of our amunition
and provision shipps come to us, and the rest are at Barbadoes expected
hourely : when wee shall be soe well provided of all things, that when
wee shall be satisfied/ as we shall be suddainly, at the entringe in by
the point and other places by sea, and at the landing, and at the towne,
wee hope by God's gracious assistance to keep our station, maugre the
enemie who is round about us from the maine and the Hands. Whereof
I trust he shall be made sencible suddenly, and that wee are in respect
of our good harbour and scituation better then if wee had taken His-
paniola, as now our councell and officers plainely see and acknowledge,
soe that it is to be questioned whether any place in the world would
have advantaged our nation more then this. Wee have heere a mine
of copper, silver, if not one of gold, as the Generall hath by the Spaniard
been informed. We take horse and dragoones for each regiment, the
enemie being about 4000, whereof 600 Spaniards, and not 200 fire
armes. Wee have but 7 sugar mills yet found. Pray excuse the dis-
orderly account I give you of this country, because of the hast I am in,
and the care I take to settle. Mr. Wadeson our cheife tresurer, goes
with the hides to New England. Meane while I officiate as occasion is,
but little will my businesse be I feare me, for the civill officers will have
their pay in commodities of this country, unlesseour flax ^ in these parts
bring in money, whereof we despaire not : by my next I shall tell you
more of this country and conveniences thereof.
St. Jago on Jamaica.
1 Jane 1655.
» fortified? « fleet? ^ j
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140 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
II
SL Jago on Jamaica^ June 15, 1656. — Our affaires heer are much
unsetled ; the Generall and Coll. BuUer are following home to give
account of matters, and to presse for recruites, then have promised to
returne.
The enemie lye still on the mountaines, expecting our deserting this
country, but the raines now at hand will sweep them downe amongst
us or destroy them. Wee have taken 20 or 21 of them, among other a
rich fat woman, the richest of the country ; they annoy us not, but wee
have what cattle wee please for driving in. The land is devided among
the regiments, for money wee have none, nor are not like unlesse some
prizes drop into our mouthes at sea, whereof 3 or 4 are sunk and taken
before St. Domingo, having lefte a f rigot there.
HI
June 16. — The GeneraPs and Collonel BulJer's returne into England
is to vindicate the army from some aspertions, doubted to be cast upon
it by some great ones, and a great debate ther is likely to be about it in
England, as alsoe to hasten supplies of men and necessaries for such an
undertaking, these return againe within a yeare, or at least have ingaged
their honours for it to this councell.
IV
Juli/ 15, 1655. — Our Generall Venables with Collonell BuUer are
now taking their passage for England, full sore against the desire of
almost every man, by what I understand, soe that our troubles and
discontents are added to those former confusions and wants of meat
and drinke wherein wee lay involved, neverthelesse wee trust God will
deliver us out of them in due time, who are somewhat comforted at the
newes of our last letters by the Charitie, dated in March last, whereby
14 saile, of victualls most, and some men of warr, are upon their way
towards us, the Protector withall promising us very fair. Meane while
sicknesse hath destroyed a considerable part of our armie, and about
1000 we have still remaining sick of the flux and feavors, (the usual
diseases,) which have carried away almost all my best freinds, as the
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APPENDICES 141
Secretaries <&c. but blessed be God who hath sent me health in the
midst of sicknesse, and life when soe many lie dead, I find my constitu-
tion still exellently agreeing with hot countryes. Neverthelesse what
through want of victualls on board and ashoare, together with the much
sweating which this country is subject unto, I am brought to that passe
that I need not dr Amie to keep me from pinguifying, being already
fallen away 4 fingers about the wast, soe that by this I like my voyage
the better, though I have alsoe learned patience thereby, and other
particulars, which I thinke I could not have learned at home ; however
this I can say, and I thinke there is not 20 of us can truely doe the
like, that I doe not repent of my comming this voyage hitherto. About
6 dayes since there came into us voluntarily 50 of the enemie, greate
and small, which wee suppose the raine which already falls dayly on
the mountaines hath caused, those parts, as wee are told, being scarce
habitable then : soe that in all wee have about 70 of the enemie among
us, who have equal freedome and victuals with us as yet till the others
are reduced, which wee doubt not will be shortly ; in the mean time
they now oppresse us not, having not killed any of ours these 3 weeks,
though before they dispatcht about 100 of our straglers unarmed ;
neither doe wee feare the enemie from the maine, he having noe ship-
ping, nor wee thinke force of men sufficient to oppose us. Our Generall
goes home soe very sick that wee greately feare he will not recover it,
and Major Generall Fortescue, who is to be then the Commander in
cheife, is alsoe at present very ill. God grant these rainy moneths may
beget some good alteration in point of health amongst us. Part of our
Generall's businesse at home is to sollicite that the armye pay be other-
wise then now it is like, and that wee be not bound to take land in
payment, as hitherto they have thought to invest each regiment with
such a province or such partidos of land, which now they ai-e cultivating,
planting tobacco, Cassavi bread &c, for sustenance and trade. This
non payment nor hopes of any makes soe many Captaines and others
desire to go home, and to quit theire interest rather then be soe ill paid
as they count it.
V
Jamaica the 5 of Kovember 1655.
The 1 1 ships lately arrived to this place with Ac. ' poore men I pitty
them at the heart, all their imaginary mountaines of gold are turned
1 800 men under Colonel Humphries. See Thurloe, iy. 153.
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142 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
into dross, and their reason and affections are ready to bid them saile
home againe already. For my owne part greater disapoyntments I
never met with, having had noe provision allowed me in 10 weeks last
past, nor above 3 biskets this 14 weeks, soe that all I can rape and
scrape in ready money goes to housekeeping, and the shifts I make are
not to be written heer. Wee have lost halfe our armie from our first
landing on Spaniola, when we were 8000, besides 1000 or more seamen
in armes. Never did my eyes see such a sickly time, nor soe many
funerals, and graves all the towne over that it is a very Golgotha. Wee
have a sevanno or plaine neere us where some of the souldiery are
buried soe shallow that the Spanish doggs, which lurke about the towne,
scrape them up and eate them. As for English doggs they are most
eaten by our souldiery ; not one walkes the streets that is not shott at,
unlesse well befreinded or respected. Wee have not onely eaten all the
cattle within neare 12 miles of the place, but now alsoe almost all the
horse, asses, mules flesh neere us, soe that I shall hold little Eastcheap
in more esteeme then the whole Indies if this trade last, and I can
give nor learne noe reason that it should not heer continue soe ; besides
this wee expect noe pay heere, nor hardly at home now, but perhapps
some ragged land at the best, and that but by the by spoken of, for us
generall officers not a word mentioned. I could dwell long upon this
subject, and could tell you that still halfe our armie lyes sick and
helpelesse, nor had wee victuals for them before this fleet, nor expect
ought now save some bread, and brandy, and oatmeal, and if that with
phisick will not keepe them alive, wee have noe other remedie but
death for them. For my owne part in 25 yeares have not I endured soe
much sicknesse as heere with the bloudy flux, rhume, ague, feavor, soe
that I desire eamesly to goe for England in March next^ if permitted,
for I am fallen away 5 inches about.
Amongst the dead persons your brother J. M. is one, who died of the
dropsie, consumption, and other complicated diseases, the 22 of August
1655 last &c.
Wee lately with 120 men and 12 frigotts tooke the towne of St.
Martha on the Terra flrma, where were 2 castles contayning 32 peice of
ordnance, out of which wee beat the enemie by our ordnance, upon
which the townes-men flying, our men presently landed and tooke the
place with all therein, after an houre and halfes skirmish, and 8 men
lost on our part. The towne and country, which we enjoyed 1 4 dayes,
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APPENDICES 148
was farr before this. They report | of the plunder went to the State,
being all sold publiqnely, att which the souldiers grudg exeedingly, and
T wish it spoile not the whole designe ; neither have wee the liberty to
transport those hides whereof we kill the beasts, whereby our men are
wont to throw away the hides that they stink up and downe the towne.
Our men demanded 20000 R. of 8 to randsome the place, which the
enemie promised to give, but coming not at his time wee fired the place,
Churches and all.
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144 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
APPENDIX E
Extracts from Henry Whistler's Journal of the West India
Expedition
[Whistler^s Journal is in the British Museum. * Sloane MS.' 3926.
It was used by Granville Pennin the * Memorials of Sir William Penn/
where (ii. 31) the account of the landing at Jamaica is quoted. Much
of the journal consists of an account of the voyage, which, as full
accounts are printed in the * Memorials ' and in the * Thurloe State
Papers,* is not of sufficient interest to be reprinted. Accordingly only
the account of the sailing of the fleet and the narrative of events from
the time of the arrival of the expedition at Barbadoes to the departure
of Penn from Jamaica are here extracted.]
December, 1654. — A Jornal of a Voaidg from Stokes Bay : and
Intended by Gods assistant for the West Inga, and performed by
the Right Honorable Generall Penn, Admirall, as folowes : Taken by
Mr. Henry Whistler. 1654.
The 26'* Dai/, — Tusday. This day our Generall commanded a gun
to be fiered for all the flete to waie Anchor : and all our seamen to
worne them to repaier abord : But many made it to be a worning for
them to hid vntell we ware gon. This wose a sad day with our maryed
men, they hanging doune thaier heads with a demuer countinanc, acting
loath to depart, and sume of them profesing more love the one to the
other in one halfe our then they had performed in all the time of
thayer being together. And many of our yong men that had intan-
gelled them selues in loue with sum yong virgin : Whoe think it verie
hard and a great cruelltie to leaue a yong virgin to whome hee hath
ingaidged and whollie devoted his hart : others war weping, and leauing
and bequeathing vnto them sume pledg of thayer wanton loue ;
receaveing from them sume Cordiall against sea sicknis : as Capes, and
Handcerchifes, and shertes, to eye and ware when Neptune should most
appose them. Att 2 of the cloke in the aftemoune all our flet got
vnder sayle, the wind att E. N, E. and Bloue fresh, wee plied to the
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APPENDICES 145
North shore, and wee Rune aground vpon the Taile of the horse, which
doth lay to the Estward of Souse Castell, wee claped all our sayles
abackstares, and in one half glas Baked her of. The Swiftshor and
Paragon and Dover and our kech and hoy went out att Sant EUings,
But the rest of our flet went out at the Nedelles. In the Euning full of
smalle Raine : Att midnight the wind veard att S. S. E. a faier galle.
The 29'* Day [of January] 1654. — Munday att 12 we came vpwith
the land, and coming to an Ankor in Carlile Bay, where we found our
Rare Admirall and his Squadoren nulie come to an ancker, in this Bay
wee found many of our Marchant shipes,and eleuen sayle of holenders:
the which wee mad pris of. Heare as soune as we came to an ancker
many Boates came of to vs, with many of the chefe of the lUand, whoue
did profes that wee ware very wellcom, and that as soune as we came
ashore we should find it soe, wee telling them that wee ware resolued to
trie them.
The 30^ Day [of January] 1654.— This Day our Generall and
Generall Venable and CommishenerWinslow went ashore, whar they war
receaued with much seuillitie ; they went to the Gouemors whar they sate
in Councill about the Raising of souldgers, and within 5 days it was agreed
vp[on], and Commishons Granted to the Commanders to raise them.
February the 5'* 1654. — This Day it wos Ordord that the Mastton
More and Selby should goe to St. Cristofers to raise a 1000 men
against wee came doune : Com" Butler and Lif^" Corll. Houldup and
Capt. Blye were ordered for this Desine, and the 6'^ day they depar[t]ed
from this Illand.
Tlie 9'* Day 1654. — This day the Douer broght in a pris : in all the
time of our being in this barber wee took in all 16 sayle of Holenders.
From this day to the 31*^ of March we lay att the Barbadous raising of
soulders and fitting our Shipes, the which Being don, and all our
Soulders shiped of, the Generall commanded that a gune should be fiered
and our fore top sayle loosed to give the flet woming of our intending
to be gon, and to wome all persons to repayer abord.
This Island is one of the Riches Spotes of ground in the wordell and
fully inhabited. But ware the pepell sutabell to the Illand it ware not
to be compared : it is a most rich soile, all wayes Grone and baring frut,
and the Chefest commoditie is sugar, and some Indieco, and Cotaine,
and tobacoe, but the chefest commodiete they now plant is Shuger and
Cottaine. heare are many plesant frutos, as pine Apeles, and planting,
L
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146 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
and Buanoes, and orindges, and limes, and Custord apeles, and prickeled
pears, and many other frutes : thayer Bred is made of Cassador routes,
which is the routes of tres, and vntell it be Ground, and then presed all
the duse out of it, it is poysson ; but being well ordered it makes good
bre.od : thayer drink is mad of petatoe routes, thay being boyled thay
brus them, and put them in Water, and then straine them : and that
thay drink : but they must make it to times a day, or els it will be to
stall : thes petatos are the chefest of thayer foud : specially for
thayer saruants : heare are routes they call yames which they make
yous insted of flower : as for flesh heare is not much, but sume of all
sortes : but the best flesh is Porke, and that is far better then our
English porke. The genterey heare doth Hue far better then ours doue
in England : thay haue most of them 100 or 2 or 3 of slaues apes whou
they command as they pleas : hear they may say what they haue is
thayer oune : and they haue that Libertie of contienc which wee soe
long haue in England foght for : But they doue abus it. This Island
is inhabited with all sortes : with English, french, Duch, Scotes, Irish,
Spaniards thay being lues : with Ingones and miserabell Negors borne
to perpetuall slauery thay and thayer seed : thes Negors they doue alow
as many wifes as thay will haue, sume will haue 3 or 4, according as
they find thayer bodie abell : our English heare doth think a negor child
the first day it is born to be worth 05", they cost them noething the
bringing vp, they goe all ways naked : some planters will haue 30 more
or les about 4 or 5 years ould : they sele them from one to the other as
we doue shepe. This lUand is the Dunghill wharone England doth
cast forth its rubidg : Rodgs and hors and such like peopel arc those
which are gennerally Broght heare. A rodge in England will hardly
make a cheater heare : a Baud brought ouer puts one a demuor com-
portment, a whore if hansume makes a wife for sume rich planter. But
in plaine the Illand of it selfe is very delightfull and plesant : it is
mannered the b<ist of any Illand in the Inge?, with many braue houses,
and heare is a braue harbor for ships to Rid in. The Illand is but
small : but it maintains more soules then any peese of land of the
bignis in the wordell. It is but a littell more then 30 mills long and
and aleuen milles Brod, and it dose ffrayt aboue a hundered sayle of
ships a year with Commodites of the growth of the Illand. This Illand
may be much improued if they can bring theyer desine of wine mills to
perfecktion to grind theyer Shugor, for the mills they now vs destroy so
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APPENDICES 147
many horses that it begors the planters, a good hors for the mill being
worth 50^^ starling mony. The peepell haue a very Generus fashon that
if one come to a hous to inquier the way to any plase they will macke
him drinke, and if the trafeller dose denie to stay to drinke they tacke
it very vnkindly of him.
AprUl the first 1655.^ — This day att 12 wee wayed Anchor and att
8 got forthe of the Harbor : wee stand away W. and keping this shore
clos abord all Night : faier wethier and the wind att E^ ik E. by N.
The 2*^ Day 1655. — Sabath day.^ This moring one of our prises
spent her Maine Mast and fore Mast^ and the Dover tonlk her in a toe :
this day the flag was put abroad to call all Commanders aboard to
receaue orders : at 3 a cloke we stand away S. E. by E. intending to
tach att the Illand Sa* Lussca : this aftemoune two of our prises fell
foule one of ye other : and that which came abord of the other did
teare the others sayles frome her yards, she fiered three gunes for help,
which wose sent presenly : fayer wether and the wind at E. N. E.
The 3 day 1655. — Munday from the day before att 12 to this day
att 1 2 we say led Leages, Cours W. N. W. This morning att 9 wee
saw land, and about 10 we came vp with it, it beeing the Illand of Sa^
Lucca ; this Illand wose inhabited by our Inglish, but thay ware cut
ofe by the Indgons and sume ffrench, soe that now thare is noe inhabi-
tant, att this plas wee came to anckor and watered : att this plas our
Gennerall and Gennerall Venables went ashore, and wee that war with
them had fouling peces with us : heare wee found very braue game of
pelicans and other large foules : heare is many Wild cattell and much
foule : vpon this Illand are many great snakes : heare are many parates :
as you ride in this woad you may see Martainaeco : hear is and are
manie braue harbors and rods about this Illand : in the south side
neare the midell of this Illand is a very braue road whare many sayle
of shipes may ride in 50 fatham water, or les as you goe nearer the shore :
heare within this road is a braue harbor that is land loced, and the
shoules water is 14 fadham, heare 30 sayle of ships may ride out
of sight of any shipes that pas by it : heare are fresh riuers : water
afele [?] : heare wee cote much fish and of very straing faisone.
The 4'* Day 1655.— Tusday : frome the day before at 12 to this
day att 12 We rid in the aforesaid Road mending what was toren the
^ Should be March 31. See Memorials of Sir miliam Penrif ii. 76.
« Really April 1.
L 2
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148 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Sabath before : and filling of water ; att 10 this moring it blou a
fresh gale and suuie raine : the wind att E. by W.
The 5'* Day 1655. — Wensday : At 1 a cloke the day before we
wayed Ankor and stud away N. with a fresh gale att E. N. E., and as
soune as we came about this Illand we came faier in sight of Martaine-
neco, and att 6 att night we came clos abord the shore, it is very high
Land and full of mountaines. This Illand is inhabited with Ingons
and french : thay Hue very comfortably together, and doue mary the
one the other very often. Att 5 this moring wee came in sight of
Domineco, and att 10 this moring wee came vp with it. This Illand
is the Highest of the 3 : hear are none but Ingones : and it is a very
frutfuU Illand : heare we lay beecalmed from 9 this moring to 12.
The 5'* Day 1655. — Thursday : ^ Att one the day before came of to
vs a periago with 14 Ingons, they haueing all boes and arrowes, and one
of our shipes commanding them to come abord they let flie a whole
flight of arowes at our men as they stud vpon the ship sid, and wounded
5 men, and soe rune away frome vs, thayer bot going to swift for any
shipp. From 1 2 the day before to 8 att night wee lay becalmed before
the aforesaid Hand of Dominica : and att daylight this moring wee
ware within a leag of the Esternmost Ind of Gordalupa. It being
inhabited with french : they tiered to gonnes : wee supposing it was to
give an alarom to the Contary. This is a very high Land and full of
mountaines. It is a braue frutfull Hand : heare is a very good harbor
for shippes. This Hand doth yeld Shugor, and tobacco, and Cottaine,
and Indiccoe : heare wee lay beecalmed.
The 6'* Day 1655,— Friday : this moring we cam vp with Mariga-
lanta, and in sight of Todosanto : att this time In sight Mountserrat :
and Rodundos : this Hand is a meare Rock and noe Inhabitants : faier
wether and the Wind East.
The 7'^ Day 1655. — Saterday : att 5 this moring we came in sight
of Neuis : it bore N. of vs, 6 leags distanc : att 7 in sight of S^ Chris-
tofers : it bore N. B. W. of vs, 7 leags distanc : att 10 close abord of
Neuis, this Hand afordes the pleasantest prosspect to the sea of any
that I haue it sene : it afordes the same Commodietes as the others
doth : heare are 4 fortes in the South sid of the Hand, and a very
Gallant Road and Harbor vnder Command for shippes to rid in :
all theas fortes did sallut vs, and the shippes in the harbor : wee
' At this point Whistler corrects his reckoning.
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APPENDICES 149
retomed 5 gunes in thankes to them : wee sent a small vessell
ashore heare for refreshment : and we stud for St. Cristofers : and att
11 aclok came vp with the North part of the Hand which is inhabited
with the French : all thayer fortes and Shipping in the Harbor did
salute vs with many Gunes : wee retoming them 5 gunes in thankes :
wee stud away for our English harbor. But att 12 a cloke Conim^
Butler came abord from the shore to the Gennerall, whoue gaue account
of 15 sayle of shipes that they had taken sence thayer coming heare,
and that they had raisded 1000 souldiers which were redie shipped, he
all soe touldthe Gennerall of 15 sayle of Spanish shipes that had pased
by Hand 3 weekes agoe : the Comm''. departed, and went ashore to
hasten of those shippes to vs and all parssons that ware as itt ashore : for
our Gennerall did resolue not to come to Anchor heare att all. Wee
Brought our ship by the lee, and droue before the part of the Hand
which our English doth inhabit : and at 3 aclok came before the
harbor whar the Moston Mor <fe the Selby were riding with thayer
prises, the shipes made all hast of to vs : the English Gouemor was
sick, or at least pretended soe, his Agent came of to the Genneralles
to plead his excqus. But the Generalls finding not all things to goe
well in this Hand, which did cas much bisnis. But att 11 acloke all
wos dispached, and wee mad sayle : littell Wind att East. This is a
very Gallant Hand : Baring the same Commodieties as the afore
mentioned Islands doth : heare are the Best Orringes that wee haue it
met with all. Our English haue one part uf this Hand and the french
the other part : and as long as they could get any thing the one of the
other they ware att wors, but now Hue very peessibell together : the
one is not to come into the others ground without Leaue : Heare is a
small Dich which part them, but it is all wayes drie. Wee lay bee
calmed before this Hand all night.
The 8'* Day 1655.— Sabath day : this Moring wee ware vp with the
Hand of Statia : it is a very small Hand inhabited with the Duch : att
acloke wee came vp with the Hand of Saba : heare is noe inhabi-
tants, for it is small and fidl of rockes : heare we lay becalmed all Night.
The 9'* Day 1 655.— Monday : this day all the Land Commanders
ware caled abord of vs to a Counsell : thayer Gennerall did declare
vnto them that Hyspanola was the plas resolued vpon : and that the
River Hina was the plase of Landing : thay all departed, and wee made
all the sayle wee could, it being littell wind at E. N. E.
The 10'* Day 1655.— Tusday : this moring all our Land Oftisers
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150 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
ware caled abord againe : to whome Comm'' Winslow did declare that in
thayer Instructions from my Lord Protector there wos one Articell
that noe Souldeger should plunder any plas that they should take,
vpon paine of death, and that all plunder or goods that shall be taken
att any place shall be put into a publick store for the caring one of the
Desine, and for the sould^ers eucoraidgment when they had taken this
Hand they should have six wekes pay a man : But if any shall kepe
ether goods or plat or mony in thayer hands aboue 3 dayes, and not
bring it in to the publicke stor hous for the yous of my lord protector,
they should be proseded against as felons. This put all the Commanders
into a Great pachon : and thos that durst did fullie declare vnto the to
Genneralls and the Comm", that had not me Lord Protector promisd
them and thayer Soulders free plunder whare soeur thay did goe, thay
would not haue come out of England, and further tould them that thay
had promised thayer souldgers for to incoraidg them to come with them
all which me lord Protector did promis them : and that wose that thay
should haue free plunder in all ennimies Contarys which they came in,
and that now they could not with honestie now depriue them of it : It
being all ways thayer due : and that in all the wors in England thay
had it : and this being a forraine wor they thoght not lust to depriue
the souldgers of it. The Comm'^. made Anisware to them, that seing
my Lord Protector had put it thayer Instructions they could, not dis-
anull itt : the Officers departed saying that they did desier them to
take itt into furder consideration, and not to disincoridge the soulders,
for by that means thay never might ataine to what thay Intended : this
did put a great distraction among vs all both seamen and souldgers.
Now both our Genneralls and Gennerall Venables ware willing to doue
anything to Tncoraidge the souldgers, but Comm'" Winslow would not
condesend to anie thing more than to giue them thayer six wekes pay
when they had taken this plas. Now when we should haue bin ascking
the lord to giue vs this place : Wee insted of that ware asharing the skin
before wee had Cached the foxx. Wee ware now in sight of the Hand of
St John a Partoreca : one of the Chefest Hands the Spaniyards haue in
all the India, and strongly fortiefied ; faier wether and a fresh gale att E^
The 11'* Day 1655. — Wensday : this day our gennerall did send
the Grantham frigat into St. John a Portoreca ; ordoring them to ware
a Spanish Ensine one their poupe, and to goe into the rode, and to hal
up thayer sayles, and fier a gun, for that is the sine when any of thayer
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APPENDICES 151
owne ships doth com home for a pilat to come ofe to them to cane them
in, and by this trick wee did hop to get a pilat of, and soe to carrie
him with vs, and to make him giue vs intelligence of the state of the
Hand. But the Grantham ffrigatt could not gett a pilat to come of to
her, But came to vs againe. This day wose in debat againe about the
plunder. But nothing wos granted. This night wee came in sight of
Mona, an Hand that doth lie in sight of Hispanola ; faier wether and a
fresh gale of wind att E^
The 12'* Day 1655. — Thursday : this moring att 5 aclok wee came
in sight of Hispanola, this being the obect our Eies haue soe long
desiored to see. This daye as neare as wee could wee kept out of sight
of the ennimie, and in the Night got clos abord the shore : faier wether
and the wind att E^.
The 13'* Day 1655. — Fridaye : this moring wee ware close abord the
shore, and the Peopell being pursesed with teror with the sight of our
flett, and seting one fier all thayer Becons to call in all the inhabitance
into the sittie ; att this time it wose not resolued vpon whether the
souldgers should haue plunder or noe ; but att last it wos resolued that
euery soulder should haue six wekes pay giuen them at the day when
they haue taken this Hand, but vpon paine of death noe plunder : this
wos to be proclaimed att the head of eury Redgment when thay ware
landed. Now when wee ware in sight of the enimie, and all being
redie to goe ashore, Gennerall Venables did desier that all his com-
manders should be called abord, that he might furder counsell wiili
them, his desier wose fulliled, all thof it wose now a very vnseasonall
time, for it now wose time to haue bin landing of our Armie. Now
the Sittie of St. Domingo to vs most plesant did apear : But att the
first sight of this Sittie our Gennerall Commanded the Vice Admirall
and the Bar Admirall with thayer Squadorens to fier ech of them a
gun, for to giue thayer Squadorens woming to folow them, and soe to
stand to luard to the place apoynted for Landing, it being 10 Lcags
from the Sittie to luard. This order was obsarued as soune as they
sae the Sittie : all the Souldger wose abord of theos shipes : exspt to
Bedgment, and those ware abord of our Squaderen, and they war to
stay with vs, and to be landed att another place : the Vice Admirall
and Bar Admirall and thayer Squaderen Mad sayl, and stud away to
Luard, But wee stud in vnder command of the Sittie to see the situation
of itt. But the fortes and Castell kep fining att vs, wee paying them
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152 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
3 fould, vntell att last they were contented to Lett vs come within shot
of them, and louck vpon them, and not to shout att vs.
Att night wee stud of to sea, and plied vp to Windard and with a
fresh Bres of the shore.
The 14'* Day 1655. —Saturdaye : this moring all of thos souldgers
that went to luard ware landed in good order, none to molest them, and
as soune as thay were droue vp in order, att the head of euery redgment
the orders were red for not plundering, which did much discontent the
Annie, but thay could not tell how to healp it : But the sea ridgment
did with droe from the rest saying, What doue wee doue heare, shall we
venter our Hues for nothing ? But by thayer Commanders desiering
them thay went one with chearfullnis. This daye the Armie did
March 5 miles, and Incamped that Night : all this day wee stud to and
fro with our flete before the Sittie.
The 15'* Day 1655. — Sabath daye : this day our Armie Marched 12
mile. But the drouth for want of water and the heat of the contary did
much discoraidg them. This daye in thayer march thay mett with many
Houses and plantation : But the inhabitans all fled into the Sittie,
ex sept one or to Spaniards that ware eaten out with the pox and could
not goe. This day they met with a monestorie, but all the Ballpated
friors ware gone. But thay lef all thayer Imedges behind them, sum of
our souldgers found plate hear : and one among the rest touck the
Virgin Mary vpon his head, and brought her among the Armie, she
wase most richlie clad : But the souldgers did fall a flinging of
orringes att her, and did sodainelly deforme her, she had Crist in her
armes, both thees Immadgs ware very rich. Our souldgers did get a
great deale of suger att the plantations : But the heat and want of
wat^r did cose many to faint and die by the way, but thay tuk all the
care they could, and got wild Horses to carrie the sick. This Night the
Armie did in camp at a plantation halfe way betweene the place of
Landing and the Toune. But our flet did kep vnder sayle before the
Cittie, as if wee would haue rune into the Harbor, which they much
feared.
The 16'* Day 1655. — Munday : This moring att 5 aclok we begun
to land Coll : Buller and Coll : Houldup and thayer Ridgmentes att the
Riuer Hina, whar thar is a small fort which formerly had 4 gunes in it
but now but 2 : heare wase both Hors and fut. But the GenneraU ordered
the Selby to fler sume gunes into the fort, which did make them flee
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APPENDICES 168
out of it : it being to h[ot] for them : soe that we landed our men
without any resistanc, and about 1 2 aclok all wos landed. Our Gennerall
ordered Coll. BuUer not to march aboue a mile att the fardest, and
thar to lay vntell the Armie did come to them : But as soun march
but came to them a Neagor from the ennimie which had formerly liued
with our English, which did giue them great incoridgement of the
ennemies vnabillitie to fight them : and that he would show them the
way : this did soe much In coridge Co". Buler that he forgot what
orders he had receaued from our gennerall, and did folow the Kegor.
Now I shall leaue this parttie and return to the Armie, whow this
moring erly did begin to march, and not one ouer after that Co" Buller
and his parttie wose marched from the aforesaid Riuer Hina but the
Armie came to it : and thar did intend to in camp this Night. Wee sent
botes ashore to them, But they had hardlie droue vp the Armie in order
before nuse was broght that Co". Buller and his partie were ingaiged.
Now Grennerall Venable did not know what to done in this case, for
thay wose much tiered with thayer march, and ware not abill to march
noe furder that night, but att last thay did resolue to Hazard the loss of
that partie, and to rest the armie this night heare. Now our Rar
Admirall and his Squadoren did ride in this Bay, to whom our Gennerall
gaue orders that he should order to all his Squaderen to boyle all the
meat they could this Night, and to send it ashor to the Armie to carrie
with them. Now a messenger came from Co". Buler that did declare
that this wose a false alaram that thay had : to of thayer owne parties
meting did tier one att the other and hurt 4 men, and that wose all.
But as for Co". Buller and his partie was one the march for the Cittie,
and about acloke in the aftemoune he came vp with a fort of the
ennimies cald fort leroname : this fort did fier many gunes att them, but
thay not regarding of them did march for the Sittie, and [met] with a
partie of the ennimee betwene this fort and the Cittie, fel vp one them,
and put them to the rout, and folowed them near the Cittfe wolles.
But Co". Buler Remembering that he had noe orders for what he did :
did not prosed furder, but In Camped in the wodes this night near the
Cittie. Wee lay all this time before the Cittie with our shiping, sume
times sending them a bullet to put them in remembrance of vs.
The 17'* Day 1655. — Tusdaye : This moring erly prouisions wose
sent ashore to the Armie and Ammunicion, and att 10 aclok thay bee
gun to march. But Co". Buller and his partie, wanting orders and
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154 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
being almost choked for want of drink, did resolue to retreat backe
againe, and to met the Armie, and soe did. But the Annie haaeing
not good pilates with them that did know the way, and fearing that
they could not forde the riuer neare the sea side, did goe a great way
furder then they had ned to haue don, which did much tier theyer men ;
about 2 aclock they tuck an Irrish man that did Hue in the Cittie, and
demanding of him whar there wose anie water, he tould them that he
would bring them whar thar wose water, and they being much joyed to
hear of it, for many did faint for want of watter. Now all our Armie
did folow this Irish man, and marcing carlislie, they haueing a very
strong pursumption in them that thayer innimie durst not face them,
but all thay thoght they had to doue wose to March into the Cittie
thar to inhabit. But this pursumption wose sodainelie turned into a
great teror, for this Irish man insted of bring them whar water wose,
broght them open with one of thayer fortes before thay did see it : this
fort did fier verie fast vpone our Armie. But Grennerall Venables
coming vp to the head of our armie to vine this fort, Thar did flie
forth of the wods a partie of the Innimie which did lay in ambush
vpon our folome, and did doue a great deale spoyle vpon our folorne ;
and Gennerall Veuabeles being one of the foremost, and seeing the
ennemie fall one soe desperatly with thayer Lances, he very nobelly
rune behinde a tree ; and ouer sea Ridgment hauing this day the folom
hop did fall one most galantlie, and put the ennimie to flie for thayer
lines, and coming whar Gennerall Venabeles wos got behind a tree he
came forth to them. But wose very much ashamed, but made many
exskuces : being soe much prosesed with teror that he could hardlie
spake. Our falorne did folow the ennemie clos, killing sume of them,
vntell they came to one of thayer fortes^ but as soune as the ennimi did
see our men come one so fast thay fled out of the fort, and rune for the
Cittie ; this small fort is within one quarter of a mile of the Cittie.
Now all the Commanders did doue all thay could to stop the Armie
which wose don : becase of droing vp of the Armie before thay came
in sight of the Cittie. Now Gennerall Venabeles did desier that a
Counsell of war might be called, which wos don : all the Colls and Cap**
did come emediatlie to it, whar Gennerall Venabele did declar vnto them
that it wos his opinion that it wose best for the Armie for to retorne
againe to Riuer Hina, thar to refresh themselues 2 or 3 dayes, and then
to march vp to the Cittie againe. But Maidgor Gennerall Haines and
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APPENDICES 156
all the others that ware at the CouQsell of wor ware against it, giuing
this Reson, saing if wee doue goe back wee shall giue the ennemie
oprtunitie of douing vs furdor mischef, and time to fit theraselues, and
when wee doue goe back wee shall be as much tiored as wee are
now when we com againe, saying tharfore thay did desier to fal vpon
the Cittie, and not to goe Bjtck. But Gennerall Venabeles made this
Aneswar, saing that he had sene to rames a fighting, and after thayer
first goeing back they came vp with a great deal more fors the second
time then they did the first, and this wos all the reson hee did giue,
nether would heare to anything more then to retreat back againe to
Hine Riuer. Now seing thay could not preuaile with the Gen**, not
to goe back but to fall vpon Cittie : they begun to dro of the Armie
to march back. In this broyle the ennemie had a very great aduan-
tagd, for the way wase soe narow that not aboue 10 men att the most
could march abrist, and all our Armie think[ing] themselues in securitie
war in a bad postuor : the ennimie did kill one of our Adgitants
Genneralls named Waters, and to Cap*'., with many Gallant soulgers.
The ennimie doth yous most Lances, which is a most desperate wepon,
they are very sharp, and soe brod that if they strik in the bodie it
makes such a larg hole that it lettes the breth out of the bodie
emediatlie. This March back againe did kill more men then the
ennemie did, for thay did faint and fall doune for wand of water : sum
would beg of thayer comrades to make water in thayer [mouths], which
if any did most of them did ris and march. But many did die by the
Way for want of water, one quart would haue saued many Hues : this
night they got back againe to the Eiuer Hina, and thar did In Camp.
The 18'* Day 1655. — Wensdaye : this moring Gennerall Venabeles
came abord of vs to his Ladie, and left his Armie to louck to them-
selues : he desired that the mortopeece should be landed, and to small
Drakes, and that sume Carppenters should be sent ashore to make laders :
all wos dun acording to his desier. Our Gennerall Comanded all the
Hare Admiralls Squaderen to boyle meat all day and Night for the
Armie, and to send Brandie ashore and Bred, and this to Harten the
Armie, which wose done acording to order. Now did Begin our sorow,
for our souldgers would goe to kill wild cattill, and the ennime would
lay in the Bushes, and as they came by them would fall vpon them
with thayer Lances, and kill and spoile all or most of them. But for
all that thay would ventor to doue it out for frut and to plunder, but
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156 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
most of them come short home : the innimie would neurer fier a musket att
our men, but fall vpon them vnwers, and Lance them thorow and throrow;
the stafe of thes lances are longer then a halfe picke. Hear are a sort
of Yagabons that are saued from the gallowes in Spaine and the king
doth send them heare : Thes goe by the name of Cow killers, and
inded it is thayer trad, for thay Hue by killing of Cattille for the hides
and talow : Thes are those that doth doue all the mischefe, and hear are
Negors and Molatos which are thayer slaues : to thes thay did proclaim
fredom if they would light, telling them that if they would not fight
that we would take and eate them as fast as we^ take them, and this
did greatly incoridg them to fight. If it were not for theas Cowkillers
and the Negors the spaniyards ware not abell to hould vp his hand
against any ennemie, for the spaniyards are soe roten with the pox and
soe lothegic that they cannot goe 2 mile but they are redie to die. But
to thos spanards that dui*st ventor to command thes Nigors and cow
killers, to theas the pop doth giue a bull, which is a parden for all [sins]
past and to come, and many that our men did take had thayer parden
hanging about thayer neckes ; theas men will fight with great con-
fidence, and doue belefe that if they die all dies, for they are partened :
and when you fier at them they will fall doun vpon thayer right knee,
and when you haue fiered them thay will come one most desperate.
But if you kep them out, then thay flie for it : but if thay come within
you, then stand cleare.
The 19'* Day 1655. — Thursday : this day the Mortopece and the
Drakes were landed, and all things pertaing to it : the laders ware all
redie, and all Ammonishon landed redie to march. But Gennerall
Venabelles, Being abord of our ship, and haueing a good ship vnder him
and his wife to lie by his side, did not fele the hardship of the Souldgers
that did lie one the sand vntell the Baine did waish it from vnder
them, and hauing littell or noe vitelles, and nothing to drink but water.
But the Gennerall did not consider that. But resolued to stay 2 or 3
dayes more, pretending to refresh them, but the lieing heare did doue
the armie more hurt then thayer marching, fibr the fresh meat, and the
abundant of frut that they did eate, and lieing in the raine did case
most of them to haue the Bluddie-flux, suid now thayer harts wore got
out of thayer Dublates into thayer Breches, and wos nothing but
Shiting, for thay wose in a uery sad condichon, 50 or 60 stouls in a day,
and thous that had it but 1 or 2 dayes it mad them soe weake that
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APPENDICES 157
they ware not abell to goe. Now the Souldgers did begin to Murmur
at the Gennerall liing abord with his ladie, and keping them ashore in
this sad condichone.
The 20'* Day 1655.— Friday : This day the Spanniyard thinking that
we had Bin going to shipeing of all of our souldgers to be gon, thay
sent a partie to see what wose become of vs ; and thay comeing within
pistole shot of our maine garde before any of our men did see them,
and sume of our men being in the bushes a sharing of thayer vitelles,
the Innimie fell one them, and they crieing out for quarter did giue an
alaram to the Armie ; and wee hauing a partie redie to droe out Com-
manded by Cap*. Steuens, and he being gredie of fighting them did run
to meet the ennimie, did hard lie stay to take any men, and coming whar
the innimie wose, as soune as he that did Command the ennimies partie
did see our parttie he did alight from of his hors, and led one his parttie
afut, with a backe sord and targat in his handes, and Cap* Steuens
coming vp with him did lay at him, but the Spanniard did gard with his
targat, and strike with his back sord, and att last wounded Steuens and
he fell, but his Lif tenant did close with the Spaniard, and struck vp his
heles, and ran him throrow, and his men folowing him close a made the
ennimie to rune, killing 30 of them, they being most of them Negors :
they did friten many that did think that thay would not fight but a
rune from thayer houses and lands and left them to inhabit it, but thay
now find it other wayes. This day Gennerall Venabeles doth intend to
goe ashore to his Armie, and our Gennerall did tell Gen". Venabeles, that
if he would think well of itt, he would send 2 or 3 shipes to beat doun
that fort which did afront them the last time : he made anisware noe,
saying it would spoule the fort, and he should not tell how to haue it
mended againe, for he did intend to lett this fort alone, and goe to the
Cittie and take it, and then this fort would yeld : and our Gennerall
furdor tould him that he would haue sume shipes to Bator the Cittie as
soune as the Armie did come before it, but Gennerall Venabeles wose
loft that the Cittie should be defased : our Gennerall tould him that
he would order sum shipes to fill water, and bring it within a quarter
of a mille of the Cittie, and thar to Aencker, and be redie to land it
when thay should make a sine : this Gen". Venabeles did think verie
well of, and soe he did depat, But could not part with his ladie, but did
carrie her with him, but he did not goe any farder then abord our Rar
Admirall, and thar did lay all night with his Ladie.
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158 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
The 21" Day 1655. — Saterdaye : This Moring Gennerall Venabeles
went ashor, and the Annie did begin to march touward the Cittie, droing
thayer Mortorpece and the to Drakes and all thayer Ammonishon with
men.^ Now wee mad all redie to land prouishons and water among
other nessisaryes for the Armie when they did come vp to the Cittie ;
our Gennerall did order 5 ffrigates to make all redie, and as soune as the
Armie did come to besedge the Cittie they ware to stand into the
harbor and Battor the Cittie, soe that they should bee att noe quet at no
place in the Cittie. Now all our flete did ride att an ancor within
Minnon shot of the shore : and the Cittie and fort leronnieme did both
play att vs with thayer gunes, but they did most times sheut ouer vs,
wee paying them in the same Coine. Att 2 acloke our Armie came
before this fort againe, and haueing thayer eis all together vpon this
fort, and not garding themselues from any Ambush that might lie for
them, for all they met with one hear the time before, but kep marching
one lucking vpon this fort, not fearing any other ennimie but those
that ware in It. But the ennimie had laid an Ambush lad clos by the
way which our men ware to come thorow : now as soune as our falome
wose come vp with the place whar this ambushcado lay, thay did flie
out of the wode vpon our falorne hop. But our falome did fier att
them all att one, and the ennemie did stoup vntell thay had all shot,
and then fell in amongst our armie with thayer Lances, and put our
falome to the rout. But Maidgor Gennerall Haines, being of a more
Nobell Spirit then the rest, did desier our men to stand, but none would ;
then he did desier but to filles to stand bie him, teling them that he
would worent they would rout them, but none would ; then he by
himselfe caling for 10 or 5 men to stand by him. But none but 3 would
stand with him, and the Maidgor Gennerall Burieing his Raper in the
Bouelles of one of the ennemies, and the other to stayers the ennemie
Lancing them thorow and thorow, thay all 3 fell. But the ennemie kep
pursueing our Armie in the Reare, Lancing and killing our men as long
as tell thay ware all most awery, for the way wose soe narrow that those
that would haue fote could not come vp. But att Last the Seae
Ridgment did oppen to the Right and left, and lett all our Armie run
thorow them, and then closed, and put the ennemie to retreat, and mad
them flie for the Cittie ; now for all this our Armie would not belefe but
* This march began on Tuesday, April 24, and the defeat described was on
Wednesday, the 25tb.
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APPENDICES 159
that the ennimie wos in the Beare, and kep runing, but att last they did
stop, and did inarch vp, and came to the place whar the Sea Ridgment
had made good the Ground, which wose within shot of the fort playing
ypon them cruellie ; heare the Armie did incamp all this night : and
the Sea Ridgmen did fling vp a worke to play the Mortopec into this
fort as neare as the Ingonnear did desier, and all wose made redie to
play the Mortorpece into the fort ; all men did think that they should
haue stormed this fort in the morning. But Gennerall Yenabeles being
more pursesed with teror and feare now his Major Gennerall was slaine
then he wos before when he did hid behind a tree : Now the Armie did
wont water. But Gen'^ Venabeles did neuer declare vnto the armie
that the flett did lay within a quarter of a mile of them with all sorts
of provisons and water, which would haue greatlie In coraidged the
Armie : But erly in the moring cosed the drumes to beat, and all the
souldgers made redie thinking that thay had bin agoing to fall one
vpon this fort, but the Gen" commanded them to Burie the shelles of the
Mortorpece and the ded men, and soe to march back for Riuer Hina.
Now many did curs inwardlie which durst not show it outardlie. All
this day our flet did lie waiting to see when the Armie come for the
Cittie that we might haue bin tearing the Cittie with our shiping.
But att last word wose Broght that the Armie wos come back againe,
which struck all in a damp swet of freating : all of vs seeing what did
pas betwene our men and the innimie, and knowing that thar did
nothing pas betweene them that could cose them to stay one our, but
that they might haue advanced to the Cittie : which made vs that we
could not belefe that they wore come back, but it did proue to be true.
Now in this march and skirmish did die and wose slaine and wounded
att least 1000 men : and most of them war wound in the back with a
lane ; for none, exsept the Maidgor Gennerall and those to that stood
with him, that did face the ennimie But did scape, for thay would lett
them alone and folow thos that did rune. Now wee did aske them
how many they did think the ennimie wose that lay in the Ambush : thay
tould vs with shame that thar could not bee aboue 200 att the most, if
thar wose soe many. Now our Gennerall and Comm". Winslow and
Comm" Butler did Resolue to see if thay could gett them to march vp
once more, and to giue the armie sumething for to Incoraidg them : But
as soune as thay made it knowen to Gennerall Yenabeles he made them
this anser, that it wose in vaine to talk any fourder of it, for he did
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160 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
resolue not to goe any more : But If our Gennerall would ship the
armie againe, and carrie them for lamanica, thay would do all that thay
could to tacke it, But as for this place thay did resolue never to atemp
more this Bout. Our Gennerall did yous all the means possibell he
could to proswad them to trie once mor, telling them that he would lay
all leuill for them against they came with the shiping, and many of the
Commanders did seme willing to goe againe with a partie of men which
should be picked out of the Armie. But Gennerall Venabeles would
not yeld to It. Now our Gennerall being much ashamed of thayer
basnis, but not soe much as thay ware themselues, did tell them that
ware it not for the sakes of sume that ware with them, he would set
sayle and leaue them : seeing thay ware so bace to desier to come of
from this Gallant Illand, and to leaue it with soe much shame and
disgrace not onlie to themselues But to the Nation : he would one
more take them abord. But he tould them they must shift for vitelles
ashor vntell our shipes had got in water and ware fited, telling them
that he had tuck care to fede them long anufe all redie, anow they were
in a contary whar all things ware plentie, and if thay would not fight
for it thay should starue for him, vntell the flete was fited. Now the
ennemie had soe much frighened our men in the last skermish that
now thay would rather starue then thay would goe out of thayer
quarters but one mile, whar they might haue killed as much as thay
would, but thay ware soe much afraid of the Cow killers that thay
would not budg out, and soe many did starue vpon that account. Now
with lieing in the raine and eating bad diat most of the armie fell into
Bluddie fluxes, and many did die with that, but more for want of
Vitells. Now thay did beegin to eat thayer doges, and if a pore
Trouper did tie his hors to a bush but whille he went to eas his bodie.
The f ut would haue kild him, and halfe rested him by that time he had
don, If he ware not nimbell. This wose our Condichon, theas rates of
men would rather starue and die then goe but one mile into the wodes
whar thar is thousands of braue cattell. Hear are an abundance of
Great Crabes which Hue in the wodes, thay all wayes come out of thayer
holes in the night to feed, and hear ar such an abundanc that as thay
goe thay will hit the ons leges against the other, which will make a
rattelling. This nois did giue many an Alaram to our Armie in the
night, and when thay came to exsamen what thay ear that gaue this
alaram, thay would make ancer thay did heare a nois like the ratling of
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APPEXDTOES l(il
Bandaleares, sume of them did lep into the sea for feare that it had
abin the Cow killers, and this wose nothing but the Crabes, which ware
loucing for thayer meat when our Armie did not dare but did lie and
starue. Hear are allso a great flie that the Spaniard doth call a fier
flie, theas doue flie in the Night, and doue show like a cole of fier : thes
did giue our Armie many alaram, for the senttaries would think them
to bee the ennimie with light maches, and fier att them. This would
give an alaram to all the Armie, and many would run into the wodes for
fear it wose the Cow killers and the Nedgors come vpon them.
May the 5'*, 1655. — The Armie Being all shiped Wee made sayle
and Bore away to luard. Intending for lameca, and keping close abord
this Illaiid, and Lammenting euery time wee did louck on this Illand,
that it should bee saide that wee Englishmen should leaue such an
Hand soe baslie as wee did leaue this : Our Gennerall being all most
choked for want of venting and telling the Armie of thayer Basnis :
But he thoght it wisdom rather to be silant, and to giue them all the
Incorraidgment he could, lest thay should doue the like whar we ware
goeing : faier wether and the wind att E. wee steard West with a
fresh gall of wind.
The ^"^ Day, 1655. — Satordaye : All this day we kep vnder sayle
fayer vnder this Illand haueing a fresh gall of wind att E. Wee steered
West.
The 7'* Day 1655. — Sabath daye : this moring at 5 wee sae a small
vesell plieing to windward ; the Lorill and the Hound gaue her chas but
she came soe neare the shore that thay durst nol' follow her, but gaue of
the chas. This day we kep but an easie sayle abroad by reson of keping
company with our flet : fayer wether and the wind att East, a fresh gale,
wee stud away W^
The 8'* Day 1655. — Mondaye : this day the Grennerall ordered that
all the flet should kep fast to desier the Lord to giue vs his presence
along with vs in this our Intended desine. Wee made all the sayle
wee could, but soe that wee might kep our flet togethier. This euing
Commisenor Winslow died, sume did say that it [was] with grefe, but
he had a strong feauer one him when he died : faier wether and the
wind att East. Wee steard away Weast.
The 9'* Day 1655.— Tusdaye : This moring 9 aclok wee Broght
the West Ind of this Hand to bare N. of vs, wee standing away W^ :
Now the Buriall of Commishenor Winslow wos performed as solemly as
M
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1G2 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL \TNABLES
might bee att sea, his graue Being the whole oshon sea, his Bodie being
put int a cofen, and 2 Cannone shot att his fete, his Corpes being held
forth to the sea with ropes ouer the shipes sid redie to louer doune.
Command being gaue thay all let goe : our ship gaue him 20 gunes,
and our Vic Admirall gaue him 12, and our Bar Admirall 10, and soe
wee bed him adue, haueing a fresh galle of wind att E^ This night we
sae the Hand of Jamineca, the place now desiered : it bore W^ of vs :
wee steard right with it, faier wether all night.
The 10'* Day 1655. — Wensdaye : this day wee came faier vnder the
Shore of lameca, and all our Armie did prepare to Land ; but the Com-
manders of the Armie did declare vnto thayer souldgers, that thos
which were not willing to fight thay did desier them to stay abord, and
many exsept of thayer profer very willinglie ; faier wether and the
wind att E.
The W^ Daye 1655.— Thursday : from 10 aclok att night to this
moring wee kep faieor by the shor, and now wee made all the sayle wee
could to gett into the Estermust Harbor ; but before we could get in it
fell Calme, soe that wee ware forsed to come to an Ancker half a leage
to the Estward of the Harbor in 50 fadham water ; but within half an
our it sprung vp a fresh galle at E*^. Wee waied, and stud into the
Harbor, and came to an Anchor in 40 fadham water ; but the Gennerall
commanded the Marttaine to rune vp into the Harbor as far as possibell
he could, and all the small shipes and vessells to folow her, which was
done : the Marttaine came to an Ancor within shot of the fort, which
was very angerrie with him, and fiering att her verie hot, and she att
them againe, but did but litell hurt of ether side : heare ware 2 other
forts of very small account did kep poping att them with Muskettes,
thinking to feare vs. Our Gennerall and Gen**. Venabeles mad all the
hast they could vp to the Martaine, and went abord of her, most part
of our souldgers lieing round the Martaine in boates redie to Land.
Our Gennerall commanded the Boates to folow vs with the men, and
commanded the Master to rune the Ship ashor as near as possibell he
could to the fort, which was don ; and fiering sume gunes into this fort,
and the Boates folowing vs with the Souldgers, our seae men rune the
boates fast aground close vnder the fort, and the souldgers Leping into
the water to wade ashore. The ennemie seing our resolution did not
stand to giue any resistanc. But rune, leaning 3 gunes Mounted. This
gaue our Armie great Incoridgment, but our Armie did not folow the
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APPENDICES 163
ennimie, but did droe vp in Battalie, and thar resouled to stay vntell
thayer Gen", did come ashor to them : for sume ware much trobelled
that he did not Land with them. For all the time that the Armie was
landing, he was walking abord of the Martaine, raped vp in his cloake,
with his hat ouer his eies, loucking as if he had abin astuding of fissick
more then like a Gennerall of an Armie : and when the Armie did
come by vs in Boates they did shout forth into a holow, which is a
custome att sea, thorowing vp thayer Capes and Hates : But Gennerall
Venabeles did not giue them soe much as one Louck for to Incoraidgo
them, But puled his hat ouer his eies, and did louck the other waye.
Many of his commanders did tacke notis of it. But our Gennerall did
call to them, giuing them Incoraidgment, teling them that the ennemie
did rune. But Gennerall Venabeles seeing the ennimie all fled from
thayer fortes, and none thare to apose our Armie, did desier a boat, say-
ing he would goe ashore, and our Gennerall being both redie and willing,
knowing his Bisnis to be thar and not heare att this time, gaue com-
mand presentlie for a boat to carrie him ashore to the Armie, whar he
found them all drone vp ; whar they did resolue to in camp this Night,
and to tacke the day before them to march vp to the Toune, It being six
mile from the place of landing.
The 12'* Day 1655. — Friday : This moring erlie our Armie did
march for the Toun, and comeing neare it thar met them a Spaniard
with a flag of truce, and being Broght to the Gennerall, He did declare
vnto vs, that the Gouemor and his Counesill did send him to Lett them
to vnderstand, that if thar ware anything vpon the lUand that might be
seruisabell to vs wee should haue it wUlingly, Meaning any thing of
prouissons, for the ennemie did think wee had come vpon that account
as Jacson did with his flete, which was onlie to vitell, and soe be gon
againe. But Gennerall Venabeles made the mesendgor this anesware,
that if the Gouernor did desier a tretie that they should be free to come,
and thay should haue good composichons, the messenger departed, and
our Armie marched into the Toune. But the ennemie ware all fled,
carrieing all thayer goods with them. Leaning onlie thayer Houses, and
some Chayers, and Bedsteds, and such like goods behind them : but
thay ware not gon far : for thay ware nulie gon. Our Armie ware
desier us for to haue pursued them, but the Gen", would not giue way to
it ; But ordered gardes to be seat, and the Annie to tacke vp thayer
quarters in the Toune, which was done.
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164 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
The 13** Day 1655. — Satordaye : This moring came into vs 8
Spaniards, thay being the Chefe men of the Hand, to treat with vs : and
Gennerall Venabeles propounding to them the same Composichons that
they gaue our English vpbn Providenc, which wos all to goe ofe from the
Hand ech with a sute of cloas on his Backe : And to bring in all goods,
and all Money and plate, with thayer Negors and all other slaues, into
the plas apointed for the receaueing of it within 10 dayes, vpon paine
of death, and soe to begon of the Hand. The ennimie hearing of thes
Artickelles ware very sad, desiering sume time for to consider of it :
and one day being granted them : that being exspiered thayer ancor
was requiered : but they defered it tow dayes more, saying that of them-
selues thay could doue nothing without the Gouemor : and did ingaidg
that the Gouomor should come him seluf with in 10 dayes Into vs.
But in the meane time the ennimie did daylie send into our Annie a
raator of 200 Befes a day, which our armie did like very well, thay
Being Contented like swine with peas when pearill laye before them.
Now Gen". Venabeles wos much pufed vp with the thoughtcs of thos
termes that the ennimie ware like to sine to, he knowing that it would
be much for his aduantaig ; for if our Armie did fight, then our souldgers
would gett all the plunder and Riches ; But if thay did yeld upon
Aftickles, then all wos in his hands to doue as he did pleas : but this is but
our mild thoughts of him : god grant it may not proue a truth inded.
The 16'* Day 1655. — Tusdaye : This moring erly our Gennerall did
ride vp to the Toune with a strong gard to wait one him, for treatie could
not be inded vntell he came : heare he did desier to know what thay
had done, and what they Intend to doue : and Gennerall Venabeles
did declare the full substanc how all things did stand, and what thay
had resouled vpon : and our Gennerall did agre to what they had pro-
pounded, onlie sume things he cased to be altered. Now the time
being neare in which the ennimie had promised to bring in the
Gouornor of the Hand to sine the Artickles a partie of 2000 men wose
sent to mete him : and goeing about a quarter of a mile out of the
toune they met him, and broght him in : he wos carried in a hammacka
betwen to Negors upon a pole with to men a horsbauk to wait one him :
But the Gouemor was soe Roten, and soe much eaten out with the pox,
that he could neither goe, stand, nor seat, nor well lie ; he wos a uery
sad creater, the ennimie woas ashamed that we« should see him. Now
our Gennerall and Gennerall Venabeles did pres hard to haue the
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APPENDICES 1G5
ennimie to sine the Artickles. But the enneraie did defer it of one
day more, and all this time of the treatie we did sufer ye ennimie to
com among vs and see the state of our Armie, for which wee were much
to blame : for they had more wit then wee had, for they would not
sufer any to com among them : but when any of our men did goe to
them thay would mete vs, and complement with vs, desiering that thay
would not come among thayer maine bodie, for thay did pretend that
thayer wifes and children ware soe much afraid of vs, that if any
of them should see any of our men among them thay would flie into the
woudes soe that thay should not find them. This wos thayer pretence,
but wee found it otherwayes : for thay ware caching Horses, and fiting
all things for to carrie away thayer goods, and Blinded our pore sillie
Armie with this pretenc : thay did lie within 2 mile of vs in a braue
Sauana full of Cattell. Now I shall retorne to the treattie, the time
apoynted being come for them to sine but they ware very vnwilling to
doue it, but seing noe help for it they did sine the Artickles : and we
did kep all those that had sined in custodie, thinking that by that they
would see all things performed for thayer oune sackes. But one of
the Chefest of them, being more sutell then the rest, did plead hard
that he might goe vpon his parroule, and that he could work much
upon the peopell to bring them into vs, and vpon his many vous and
prodistation of being true to what he had sined to, Gennerall Venabeles
did lett him goe vpon his parroule. Now this Spaniard did know what
would kep our sillie Armie quiat, and hee did daylie send in Cattell More
or Les to vs, and whilest our Armies were eating of befe, this Spaniard
which did goe vpon his parroule did case all the ennimies to mount
them selues and all thayer goodes a horsback, and soe fled vp into the
Mountaines whar thay remaine. But our Armie did not know they
ware gon, but lay locking when thay would send more Cattell into
them : but the ennimie failing them to dayes together, and thay being
all most starued did send forth a partie to see what wos become of
them, and thay finding them all gon did retorne to macke the Gennerall
aquainted of it, which att the nuse wos very blank to see how baslio
thay had cosened him. Now all our Armie was left in a very sad
condichon, being lef like a child that cannot hardlie goe to shift for
himselue, for the ennemie had fed them very short all this time ; and the
beter part of them ware all most starued : for the ennimie would be
shore to send plentie of all things into the Genneralls oun quarters and
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1G6
THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
sume of the Rest of the Chefe of the Annie, and when thay had plentie
the sou]dgers might couiplaine and starue and none regard It. For
Gennerall Venabeles had made an order, that vpon paine of Death noe
man should goe aboue halfe a mile out of his quarters to fech in any
prouisons, and if any did it wos taken away from him, and the partie
put into prison and tried for his life. Now the reson that Gennerall
Venabeles did giue forth this order wos, that ye Armie would destroy
and spoyle all the plantations, If it were not for this order. But he
Faid he would make the ennimie to bring in prouisons anufe to sarue all
the Armie : and soe they did bring sume most dayes vntell thay fled
away : but thay did not bring aboue 150 when thay broght most,
which wose not aboue one for a Company : and the Capt. would haue
the Kibes, and the Lif^ and Insine the serlines, and by that time that
all the rest of the Ofisors were sarued thar would hardlie remaine a
pound a pece for the souldgers, and that wos all thay had ; many times
for to or thre dayes thay had no bred, nor nothing to drink but water ;
this was thayer condichon vntell the enniemie did flie away from
them : and then they had none, Soe by this Means within 12 dayes
after our landing they could not droe out 50 men out vpon saruis,
wheras when they landed most of the Company ware 100 men ; But
what with want of prouision and Good drink they fell into the
Bluddie flux, and many did die of It : for It was much if one saw 3
men, and if 2 of them could help themselfes. Now our Armie did not
any wayes striue to louck any f ardor, for I doue belefe that the Head
of them wos glad that the ennemie wose fled away : now thay did
begin to send parties out to fech in prouisons, But they could not bring
it in half soe fast as the Armie could haue eaten It. But now thos
Spaniards which did treat with vs doue begin to bee afraid of thayer
neckes, becas the Artikelles ware not performed which thay had sined
to : But the.Gouernor which T spoke of before, that wos soe much eaten
out with the pox. Lay in such a very sad condichon for want of a
surgeon, for he wos soe roten that none of our Surgeons would come neare
him : soe that we ware in hopes he would saue the Hangman a labor.
Now our Armie did begin to share the Land and plantations,
Neueor minding to bild any fort, or make any place of strenth of
resistanc for any enniemie that should come against vs. But doue
think as the Spaniards did that none doth dare to come against them :
But I wish that thayer presumption doue not vndoue them, as it did
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APPENDICES
1G7
the Spaniards. Now our Gennerall gaue Command that our sliip, and
the parrigon, and all the flemesh shipes should Carene, and make all
redie to sayle within 10 dayes, and thos ships that hadaboue six wekes
prouisions abord of them thay ware ordered to put it abord of some of
the Frigates which ware to stay behind vs : and this six wekes prouisions
wos all we ware to haue to carrie vs for England. But the Gennerall
ordered all the shipes to goe to half Louanc of Meat and Drink. Wee
making all the hast that could be to fit our Ship for the Carene, and
the Discouery being ordered to come abord of vs to tacke in our gunes,
which she did, and wee hauing put abord 24 of our louer teare of gunes
and most of our Bosswain and Carpentors stors, and Night droing neare
wee cased her to hall of from vs, and to come to an Anckor neare vs,
which wos don : and about 2 ouers after shee put of from our side It
pleased god that she tucke a fier in her Bred Roume among the
Brandie Wine. She now riding in the Midell of the flette, all the
Shipes sent thayer boates and men abord to help to quench the fier.
But the Brandie did bume soe cruell and fervent that the men war not
abell to stay any longer to heaue water : But the Botes did toe her
fast aground vpon a banck or shoule to luard of the flet, but as she
burnt she did liten, and droue right with vs againe, soe that wee ware
in great Dainger of her coming among our flete againe. But the Lord
wos pleased to cas the wind to veare about, which did kep her of from
vs, other wayes she would haue bin abord of vs : for noe man durst
dare goe neare her to kep her ofe from vs, for She had 120 Banlles of
pouder abord, and wee did look euery minnit when she would Blow vp,
but she burnt at the least 4 ouers before she did Blow up, she lieing
then not aboue Carbin shot from vs. It wos a very sad Bloue, and had
the Lord sufered the wind to haue bloune to vs, as it did from vs,
Shee had destroied most of our flett. Now all care was how we might
done get our 24 Bras dimrae canon, which ware sunk in 3 fadham and
^ water : But one Cap^. Fearnss did vnder tacke for the geting of them
vp, and he casing a tub for the mend to goe doune in, and got 3 very
Good diuers to help him, and in 1 2 dayes thay got all ourors vp, and 2
of the Discoueries gunes to be sides : and now our ship was redie
Corened to taicke them in againe : this did much reioys our men, for
wee war fearfull that wee should not gett them againe. Now our
Champone Like Armie did still remaine in that sad condichon of Being
half starued, for all heare wose such a plentie of Cattell ; But thay
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168 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
could not cacli them : and the Armie still much vissited with sicknes.
But thayer Gennerall now had a longing Hesieor to goe for England :
But not knowing how wellcome hee should be when he did come thar it
did put him to a stand : But it is thoght that hee will not be long after
vs: hisladie doth remaine with him, But the Armie is very much awery
of her, but cannot tell how thay may be rid of her, for she doth Act
verie high.
Our Flet being redie to sayle the Gennerall gaue Commission to
Vice Admirall Goodson to be Admirall of this Squaderen that lie had
ordered to stay in the lindiaes, thay being 12 sayle of frigattes, thay are
to kep say ling to and againe in the Ii[n]dges, and to take all spaniyards
and french what soeeuer, and not to retorn for England vntell he
should receue orders from me Lord Protector.
Now I shall giue you the Best account of this Hand that posibell I
can. The land is as good as any is in the Indges, and very frutfuU If it
be planted, but theas pepoel are a uery Lasie pepell, for by thayer good
willes none will worke, nor take the paines to pland Cassador to macke
them bred. But nessitie doth moue them to it : thay doue very feue
of them tacke care to be rich, for thay say that thay cannot wont, for
Meate thay haue an abundant, and the bids and talow will by them
clos, and that is all thay take care for most of them : hear ar sume
small plantations of Shouger, But they spend It most in the Illand :
hear is sume Cottaine, both silk and other sortes : But the Chef est
Commoditees ar theas : Ling a Vittie and fastick woud, and hides and
talow, and porke fat tried vp and put in gares : and that is not worth a
going soe far for. The Hand as it is natuorallie the Best in all the
Indges : it hath a great deale of Leuill ground, and many braue Sauanas
full of Cattell, and abundat of braue Horses, But thay are all wild : and
many wild hoges : and wild fouU an abundant : a many parrates : and
Muckeas : and plentie of fich : heare are abundant of Alliegators and
many larg snakes. This ground will bare anything that they can plant
one it : the spaniyard doth say that it will bare all sorts of spices, and
Shugor, and Indico, and Cottaine, and tobaco, and very good grapes : but
the Ducke of Meden that it did belong to would not sufer them to plant
grapes to macke wine, for then he did know they would not care for
Spaine. This Illand is Brauelie watered with fresh riufers : and hath 3
braue harbors in the South side, and one in the North side : But the
niidellmust in the South Side is one of the Best in the Wordell : in it
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APPENDICES 169
may ride 500 sayle of ships from 50 fadham water to 8 : and you may
Corene by the shore with your gones in 5 fadham water ; this harbor is
land locked, and the trad wind doth blow into the harbor all day and
the Land bres out att night : hear are many small Hands and shoules
that lie before the Harbors mouth, But they are plaine to be sene. The
worst Tlconuenience of this Harbor is that it is 6 mile from the Toune,
But our English doth say that they will remoue and Bild near the
water side, for thay may Bild such a Toune as that is in a small time,
for the houses are but one stone height Becas of the Harrie Cane, for
he doth many times com and giue them a vissit. This is all I can say
of this Hand, for at present it is pore, But it may be made one of the
riches spotes in the wordell ; the Spaniard doth call it the Garden of
the Indges, But this 1 will say, the Gardeners haue bin very bad, for
heare is very litell more then that which groweth naterallie.
Jutie the 21" Daye 1655. — Thursday. This day wee waied with the
Moring Brese, but could not get forth by reson of the Sea Bres Comming
in soe soune. But we came to anacker without the Harbors mouth
amongst the Shoules, and thar did ride vntell the 25**» daye, by reson
that the wind kept all the time out att Sea.
This Moring the Gennerall Commanded that the Gun should be
fiered att 2 a clock for the flete to waie, and att 5 aclock all our flett was
vnder sayle and got forth, but the Mariegould and the Good fellow run
aground vpon a leg of rockes that lie of one of the littell Hands goeing
out of the Westermust Channell, thar wee left them Beating on the
rockes, and fearing that thay would not gett off. This moring nus wos
broght that Gennerall Venabeles wos dead, but we could not giue
credit to it, but of sartaine hee did lie verie sick, and the doctors war
fearfull that he would die. All this day wee stud away Weast in sight
of the Hand, and soe continued all Night : faier wether and the wind
fresh at East.
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170 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
APPENDIX P
Papers relating to the Conquest of Jamaica, from the
UNPUBLISHED PORTION OF ThURLOE'S MSS.
A Spanish Proclamation ^
The Captone and Sarginge Mager Don Baltearsor Caldoron and
Spenoso, Nopte ^ to the Presedente that is now in the sity of Santo-
domingo, and Captane of the gones of the sitye, and Governor and
Lorde Mare of this Hand, and stranch of this Lland of Turtogo, and
Chefe Comander of all for the Kiiinge of Spaine.
Yoo moust understand that all pepell what soever that shall com
to this Hand of the Khinge of Spaine Catholok wich is name is Don
Pilep the Ostere the forth of this name, that with his harmes he
hath put of Feleminge and French men and Englesh with lefee heare
from the yeare of 1630 tell the yeare of the yeare of thurty fouer and
tell the yeare of fifte four in wich the Kinge of Spane uesenge all curtysi
and given good quartell to all that was upon this Hand, after that
came and with oute Recepet upon this Hand knowinge that the Kinge
of Spane had planted upon it and forti6ed in the name of the Kinge
came the forth time the 15 of Augost the laste yeare Frinch and
Fleminges to govern this Hand the same Govemeore that was heare
befor his name was Themoleon hot man De founttana gentlaman of
the ourder of Guresalem for to take this Hand put in fources by se
and land and forsed us to beate him oute of this place with a greate
dale of shame, and be caues yoo shall take notis that wee have puelld
doune the Casill and carid all the gonenes and have puelld doune all
1 Rawlinson MSS. A 29, f. 500. In February 1666 a small ship touching at the
Tortugas found the island deserted and two papers, one in Spanish, * the other in
Borrie English.* This paper was sent by Goodson to Thurloe, it being a proclamation
against settlement on the island. The original is written in a very difficult hand.
^ * Nopte ' is doubtless a mistake for * nepote,' that is, nephew.
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APPENDICES 171
the houes and have lefte no thinge, the same Captane and Sargint-
mager in the name of the Kinge wich God blesh hath given yoo notis
that what souer nason souer that shall com to live upon this Hand
that thare shall not a man mother nor chilldren cape of the sorde, thare
fore I give nottis to all pepell that thay shall have a care with out
anje more notis for this is the order of the Kinge and with out fall
you will not want yooer Pamente ^ and this is the furst and second and
thorde time, and this whe leave heare for them that comes hear to
take notis, that when wee com upon you, you shall not pleate that you
dod not know is riten the 25 of August 1655.
Baltesar Calderon Por Mandado del Seflor Gou®''
Y EsPiNOSA. Pedix) Fran^® de riva deneyxasuss.
[Endorsed :] Paper found upon Tortudas.
II
The Protector to General Monck^
Sir,
Before this comes to your hands, it is probable Lt. CoL Brayne
will have beene with you, and given you an accompt of some counsells
had here conceminge the West Indyes (he being instructed in
that behalfe), we haveing acquainted him therewith in order to his
goeing thither, and taking upon him the charge and conduct of the
forces in those partes. Wee will not trouble you from hence with a
more particular informacion herein, other then to acquaint you that
wo have determined of sending thither out of Scotland and Ireland
1 200 men, and 500 of that number out of Scotland, to goe along with
Col. Brayne, and to be imploy'd in pursuance of those intencions of ours
whiclrhe will communicate to you. And forasmuch as there is very
pressing occasion that all expedicion bee used in prepareing of these
forces, and putting them under good conduct in respect of officers, and
that choice be made of such soldiers as have given good testimony of
their courage, resolucion, and obedience, wee doe recommend it to you
in a more particular manner to afford your endeavours not onely for
the dispatch of this service, but that the officers and souldyers be such
as we may hope (through the mercy and blessing of God) will carry
* Le. * pasamento,' that is, death.
« Bawlinson MS. A 55, f. 126.
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172 THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
themselves well, both in point of courage and fidelitie. For the better
encouragement of officers we have given power to Lieut*. Col. Brayne to
appoint and preferr (by your advice) such out of the severall regimen tes
and companyes as shalbe judged fittest for that service. And the
l>etter to incourage souldiers to goe togeather in this expedicion, we
have given him power (witli your advise also) to take such whole
companyes, or partes of companyes, as shalbe found willing and fitt for
the worke, wherin we desire you to give him your assistance, and to
issue your orders and direccions for putting in speedy execucion what
shalbe so agreed uppon by you. We have had consideracion of the
most commodious place for the rendezvous and shipping, and have
resolved upon Port Patrick as most convenient, both in order to their
voyage and their joyneing with the rest of the said forces, which are
to be raised in Ireland, and are appointed to be shipped at Knockfergus.
We apprehend it would have been much for the advantage of this
affaire in point of tyme and lessening of charge, if ships could have
been procured in Scotland for ther transportacion. But not thinking
fitt to depend in that, we have treated for ships to be sent from hence,
which we hope may be in Scotland to receive the forces aboord, within
a moneth from the date hereof, yet if you shall find that fitt ships
may be provided in Scotland within convenient tyme, we desire you to
agree "with them, (giveing us speedy notice thereof, that we may
accordingly proceed with the merchants here) in which case we
suppose you may not onely save tyme, but also charge, we being here
to give six pounds per head, (because they must goe from hence to
take them in, and so make in some sort a double voyage) wheras
probably you may gett them there for iiij^* per head.
[1656]
III
The Protector to Lieut. Col. Brayne*
Sir,
Since you left this place wee have given direccions to Generall
Monke to be assistant to you, for putting in execucion those things
which wee discoursed with you here, as you may see by the copie of
our letter to him herewith sent ; and for the more full and effectual!
carying on of that business, wee doe hereby authorize you to nominate
> Bawlinsou MS. A 56, p. 27.
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APPENDICES 173
and appoint such officers for this service, as by advise had with
Generall Monke you shall judge fittest for the imployment. (Onely
wee recomend to you Majour Brampston for your Lieutenant Colonel,
of whose fidelity wee have had very good assurance, and who shalbe
dispatched to you with all possible speed). As also, (by like advise), to
draw out with the officers, such companies, in part, or in whole (to
compleate the whole number of five hundred private souldyers) as you
shall judge fittest. Wee doubt not but the discourses you heard here
will sufficiently satisfy you of the necessity of expedicion in this matter,
and therefore shall not needlessly call upon you therein. If you shall
judge Port Patrick, the place appoynted for shippinge them,* not to be
convenient, and can offer a better, wee desire to know it by the next
returne, that other direccion may be given. I have writt to my sonn
Harry to put the other part of the forces (which are to goe from Ireland)
into the same readiness, that they may be at Knockfergus about the
same tyme that you may probably be at Port Patrick (which wee hope
wilbe within a moneth at farthest). At which place the Comaunders of
the ships shalbe instructed to observe such further orders, as shalbe from
tyme to tyme given them by you as their Comaunder in Cheife. If you
could be able to come up hither, and returne backe to the shipping of
your forces, without loss of tyme to this affiiire, wee should be glad of
further comunicacion with you concerning it before your goeing away ;
But feareing you will not be able to performe such a joumy in tyme,
without hazard to the stay of the forces, wee have appoynted your
comission and instruccions to be drawne up, intending to send them to
Port Patrick by some safe hand, who may also be able to give you a
further accompt of our intencions; and of the tyme when to expect him
there, you shall hereafter receive more particular notice, as wee are
from tyme to tyme enformed by you of the probability of your being in
readyness there. Yet if you shall, upon good grounds judge that you
may leave your business in such a posture with your Lieutenant Colonel
that your comeing up may be no delay to the forces, and that you may
returne back in due tyme, we desire you to signify soe much to us by
the next post, and koe to take your owne tyme to come up accordingly.
[1656]
[Endorsed.] The Protector's letter about an expedition to the
West Indies.
* ' Rendezvous ' is suggested in the MS. as an amendment.
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INDEX
AcosTA, don Daarte, 89» 99, 124
Admiralty, 65, 107
Alcoran, 90
Aldeme, capt. Thomas, 107
Allen, capt. Thomas, 126, 128
America, 9, 14, 24, 37, 63, 77, 107, 109.
See also Commissioners
Antrim, 2
Apprentices, 40
Archbold, lieut.-col. Henry, 65, 117
Arms, xxxv-xxxvii, 2, 4, 8, 9, 12, 13,
31, 43, 101
Army, its composition, xvii, xxii; its
numbers, xxx ; its losses, xxxi ; 3,
10, 11, 14, 15, 17-19, 21-23, 27, 30,
32, 34, 46, 47, 60-65, 67-69, 73, 79,
82, 84, 88, 91-95, 97-100, 108, 116,
122, 128, 129, 152-154, 158-163, 167
Articles of treaty with the Spaniards
at Jamaica, 39, 164, 165
Artillery, xxviii, 122
Ashton, col., 34
Asses, sale of, 8
Audley, capt. George, 126
Aylesbury, William, 110
Ballard, lieut. John, 126
Bamford, major Richard, 67-69, 117,
125
Barbadoes, xxiv, xxviii, 6, 7, 10-13, 30,
33, 34, 41-44, 62, 54, 55, 58-60, 78,
79, 91, 93, 100, 108, 109, 111, 121, 122,
135, 139 ; description of, 144-146
Barkstead, col. John, 77, 86, 87
Barrington, lieut.-col. Francis, vii, xii,
XX, xxiv, xxxi, XXXV, xxxix, 37, 65, 119,
123. 124
Barrow, ensign John, 125
Barry, col. Samuel, 62, 65, 117
Bartlett, lieut-col. Henry, 63, 65, 118,
123, 126
Baynard (Barnard), capt. Edward or
Adam, 119
Belfast, 2
Berkenhead, sooutmaster-gen. Isaac, xx,
xxxviii, 62, 122, 128, 125
Berry, capt. James, 126
Betts, capt. Ralph, 125, 126
Bingham, capt. Stroud, 59, 119
Blagge, Edward, rear-adm., xxviii, 104,
105
Blake, Mr., 49
Bland, ensign James, 125
Bland, major, afterwards lieut.-col.,
Michael, 23, 63, 66, 119, 123, 125 ;
instructions for, 124
Bligh (Blye), capt., 146
Blunt, capt. Winktield, 120
Bounty, Mr., 19, 20
Bowers, capt. Nathaniel, 120
Bramston, major, afterwards lieut.-
col. John, 173
Brandy, xxxv, 13, 48-60, 69, 96, 167
Brayne, lieut.-col. William, 171, 172;
letter to, 172
Bread, xxxiii, 36, 40, 47-60, 63, 69
Bridewell, 41
British Museum MSS., 109. Ill, 144
Broghil, lord, 3
Brookhaven, capt. John, 107
Buller, col. Anthony, xix, xxxviii, xl, 4,
11, 19, 21-23, 25-27, 60-62, 73, 80,
93, 96, 104, 126, 129, 130, 132, 137,
138, 140, 152, 153
Bushel, lieut.-col. Thomas, 70, 120
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176
THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Butler, capt. George, 116
Butler, capt. Gregory, xii, xxviii ; a
CJommissioner, 26-28, 31, 47, 60, 53,
66, 66, 69-61, 65, 66, 80, 83, 104, 109,
110, 132, 145, 149, 169
Butler, James, adjt.-gen., 126
Caouata, port of, 38, 39
Calderon y Espinosa, don Baltasar, pro-
clamation by, 170
Garibbee islands, 108
Carlingford, 2
Carlisle bay, 8, 146
Carpenter, capt. Philip, xxviii, 31, 122,
133
Carrickfergus, 2, 87
Carter, col. Andrew, xxi, xxxix, 11, 42,
44, 62, 66. 117, 123 ; regiment of, 120
Cartels Original- Letters^ cited, 8-10,
20,48
Carthagena, 49, 112, 113
Gary, Henry, Secretary to Commis-
sioners, 11, 12, 23, 24, 62-64
Cassavy, Cassavia, or Cassavina (bread),
9, 36, 48, 69, 138, 139, 141, 146, 168
Cattle, 36, 39-41, 46, 100, 156, 160,
164, 166
Catts, capt., 131
Channel Islands, 93
Christleton, 2
Clapthorne, capt., 126
Clarke, commissary-gen., 123
Clarke, lieut.-col. John, 117, 126
Clarke Papers, cited, 82, 118, 120
Clotworthy, sir John, 85
Commission, Close, 66, 66, 83
Commissioners for ordering the affairs
in America Ac, 14, 17, 22-26, 30, 34,
39, 60, 61, 63, 60, 61, 64, 68, 81, 83,
107, 110, 113-116
Commissions to officers, 126
Cooke, capt. John, 116
Cooper, capt. Christopher, 119
Corbelt, capt., 126
Corbett, major Vincent, 65, 119, 125,
126
Council of State, 2, 6, 6, 8, 48, 50, 63,
73 76, 84, 86, 91, 92, 107, 111;
letter to, 8
Council of War, xxxix, 11-16. 18, 21, I
27, 29, 33, 46. 47, 60, 62, 63, 82, 98, i
103, 123, 154
Cow-killers, the, 166-161
Cox, capt., 18-21, 23, 26, 27, 95, 96,
131
Crabs, 160
Crave, Samuel, 51
Cromwell, Henry, regiment of, 119, 173
Cromwell, Oliver, Protector, 3, 10, 14-
16, 24, 28, 33, 36, 40, 41, 47, 48, 60,
63, 64, 66, 67, 69, 63-66. 68, 70, 72,
73, 76, 83, 84, 92, 140 ; Expedition
to Jamaica^ under his protectorship,
1-173 ; commission and instructions
by, 78, 79, 103, 104, 107, 109. Ill,
160 ; letters to, 7, 71, 85, 104 ; letters
from, xiv, 171, 172 ; petitions to, 71,
76, 76, 81, 85 ; Scriptum domini Pro-
tectoris contra Hispanos, 92 ; warrants
of, 77, 86
Cuba. 112
Daniel, John, 46, 67, 69, 93, 126
Daniel, major-gen. William, 46, 93
Davis, capt. Bartholomew, 118
Dawley, see Doyley, col.
Debben, lieut. Henry, 125
Dendy, serjeant, 76
Desborough, or Disbrowe, gen. John,
xxiv, xxxii, 4, 6, 70, 73
Discovery, the (ship), 167
Disney, capt. Henry, 116
Dogs <&c., eaten for food, 35, 44, 60, 98
Dogs, soldiers so called, 32
Dominica, island, 148
Dover, the (ship), 145, 147
Downes, capt., 121, 126
Doyley, col. Edward, xxvii, 11, 28, 39,
62, 65, 116, 121, 123, 125-127, 137
Drake, sir Francis, xv, 129, 136
Drogheda, 2
Dublin, 2
Duckinfield church, 33
Dugla (?), ensign David, 126
Dutch vessels, 8, 10
Eaton, Mr., of Duckinfield, 33
Eaton, Samuel, of Stockport, 78, 80, 81,
83,85
Edwards, capt. Obadiah, 118
Elendere (?), ensign Thomas, 126
Elephants' teeth, 10
Essex, earl of, 73
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177
Fearnks, capt., 20, 1G7
Ferguson, major John, 41, 120
Ferrobosco, lieut. Henry, 126
Fiennes, Nathaniel, 92
Filkins, capt. John (?), 120
Finoher, capt. Abraham, 120
Fisher, lieut. John, 126
Fleet, the, 4, 11-18, 18-20, 50, 63, 57,
69, 61, 79, 102, 108, 111, 152, 168,
169
Fleetwood, Charles, Lord Deputy of
Ireland, 78
Flemish, the, 170
Fontana, Thlmoleon Hotman de, 170
Fortescue, ool., afterwards major-gen.,
Bichard, xviii, xxxix, 11, 29, 39, 60,
62, 66, 66, 68, 74, 92, 104, 123, 125,
127, 128, 137, 141 ; letters from, 68,
69 ; regiment of, 118
Freeman, ensign Thomas, 126
French, the, 60, 60
Fruits &c., 146
Fry, capt., 126
Gaoe, Thomas, chaplain, 125
Garigliano, 15
Garvenor, Mr., 70
Gk>ddard, ensign Henry, 126
Oodsalve, William, 105
Good FeUow, the (ship), 169
Goodson, vice-adm. William, 24, 29,39,
53, 66, 97, 99, 104, 107, 127, 168, 170
Goodward, lieut. Ben., 126
Grantham, frigate, 150
Great Charity, the (ship), 31
Greene, ensign Sam., 126
Groves, lieut. Hum., 126
Guadaloupe, 148
Haines, or Heane, major-gen. James,
11, 29. 41, 44, 79, 80, 92, 96, 107,
117, 122, 126, 138, 154, 158
Haines, or Heane, capt. Thomas, son of
the Major-General, 122, 125
Halford (Holford), major Nicholas, 120
Hall, ensign William, 126
Ham (Cham), 92
Hamilton, capt. John, 125
Hancock, capt. Thomas, 116
Hardwick, lieut. Balph, 126
Harleian Miscellany, cited, 35, 40. 88,
89, 94, 95, 97-99
Havana, 112
Heynes, see Haines, major-gen.
Hickeringill, Edmund, xl
' Hieronimo, leronieme, fort, xxxix, 23,
I 28, 131, 133, 153, 157
I Hill, major William, 118
Hill, capt. Thomas, 126
Hinde, capt. Obadiah, 116
Hine, or Hina, river, 18-24, 26, 79, 82,
94, 95, 129, 132, 149. 162-165, 159
Hispaniola, 19, 35, 40, 43. 48, 56, 59,
66, 94, 98, 112, 126, 127, 135, 138,
139, 141, 149, 151
Hodgson, capt. John, 34
Holdipp, col. Bichard, xxviii-xxx, 23, 26,
89, 40, 62, 65, 118, 119, 123, 126, 127.
129, 137, 145, 162
Holdipp, ensign James, 126
Holford, see Halford
Horses eaten, 136, 160
Hound, the (ship), 161
How, ensign Anthony, 126
Howe, capt. Daniel, xxi. xxvi, 42. 46. 67.
120
Hughes, capt., xxviii, 82, 122
Humphries, col., xxxii, 102, 141
Hyde, capt., 126
Indian Bridge Town, Barbadoes, 11
Indians, 113, 146-148
Ireland, 2, 3, 9, 40, 86, 87, 101-103.
119, 171-173 ; Lord Deputy of, 78
Irish army, 6, 91, 100. 119
Jackson. adjt.-gen.. xxi, 28, 29, 32, ^3,
92, 99. 132, 134, 163
Jackson, capt William, 37
Jamaica, 22, 28, 30, 31, 34, 35, 40, 45,
48, 51, 53. 69, 60, 63, 66, 67, 70, 98,
103, 105, 117-120, 123, 126, 134. 136.
141, 144, 160-162; capitulation of,
36 ; description of, 138. 168
Jennings, capt., 122, 131
Jessop, William, 86, 87
Johnson, capt, 122
Jones, capt Henry, 46, 122
Jordan, William, 63, 66
Judge Advocate, the, 123
Katbbrine, the (ship), 69
Keene, capt, 118
N
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENADI.ES
King sir Robert, 2
Kirby, capt. Francis, 70
KnockfergUB, 172, 173
Lambebt, major-gen. John, 8, 77 ; letter
to, 72
Laurel (Lorill), the (ship), 161
Lawes, Mr., 53
Lawrence, Henry, Lord President, 8,
74,76
Leebridge, fight at, 2
Lee-Townshend MS., cited, 3, 6, 12, 13,
16, 32, 35, 36, 58, 123
Leverington, capt. Samuel, 32, 118
London, 10, 72, 73, 76, 85, 108
Long, Samuel, Secretary to the Commis-
sioners, 66, 97
Lymberry. capt. John, 107
Lysnegarive, 2
Nantwich, siege of, 2
Navasa, island, 136
Navy, 7, 13, 68, 61, 107; rictuallers
of, 5
Neal, Mr., 8
Needles, the, 145
Negroes. 8, 38, 146, 166
Nevis, West Indies. 148
New England, 59, 138, 139
Newry, 2
Newton, lieut., 60
Nizao, point, xvi, 22, 127
Noel or Noell, capt. Martin, 8, 10, 49^
107, 121
Nombre de Dios, 113
Nova Hispania, 37, 137
OmMoco, river, 112
M., J., 142
Magistracy, 89 .
Malyn, William, 91
Mariagalante, island, 148
Marigold, the (ship), 169
Marston Moor, the (ship), 60, 71, 72,
145, 149
Martin, the (ship), 35, 162
Martinico, island, 147
Matthias, the (ship), 70
Medina, duke of, 168
Melton, lady, 77
Mercer, major, afterwards lient.-co].,
Francis, 116
Merchant ships, see Ships
Mercurius Politictis, cited, 120, 121
Middleton, lieut. Henry, 126
Minchin, ensign Robert, 126
Minne, capt. John, 119
Minoa, river, 124
Modyford, col., xxvi
Mona, or la Guenon, island, 150
Monck, gen. George, 172, 173 ; letter to,
171
Montagu, col. Edward, 20, 48
Montgomery, 2
Montserrat, island, 148
Morris, col. Lewis, xxvi, 11, 121
Mulattoes, 86
Murford, Mr., Commissary assist. -seor.,
131
Murphy, col., 131
Pain, Commissary, 70
Paine, lieut. Matthew, 126
Panama, 113
Papists, 6
Paragon, the (ship). 24, 146, 167
Paris, capt., 116
Parliament, 2, 101
Parsons, capt. G^rge, 116
Partington, Mr., 41
Pawlet. capt., 31, 116, 127, 131-133
Pegg, capt. Abram, 70, 126
Penn, gen., afterwards Sir William,
xiii-xvii, 9-12, 14, 16, 19-22, 25, 31,
32, 34, 35, 44, 48-51, 63-60, 65, 66,
68, 70-73, 78-80, 87, 107, 109, 110,
HI, 113, 117, 123, 144; Memorials
of, cited, 21, 27, 29, 35, 36, 67, 82, 87,
96, 101, 144, 147
Peru, 113
Phayre, col. Robert, 119
Philip IV., king of Spain, 170
Plantations, the, 22, 47, 49, 50, 62. 66.
90, 93, 102, 109, 111, 162, 168
Plunder, 24, 26
Plymouth, 70
Poole, William, prize officer, 10, 11,61-
56,59
Pope (the), 109, 132, 156
Portland (Duke of) MSS., cited, 26,
49, 60, 66, 69, 78, 116
Porto Bello, 112, 113
Porto Rico, 112, 113, 150
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Port Patrick, 172, 173
Portsmouth, 6, 42, 61, 70, 71, 78, 87,
100, 111
Portuguese, the, 47
Potter, oapt. Henry, 126
Poulton, oapt., 119
Povey, Thomas, v, 7, 10, 16, 21, 25, 86,
49, 53, 94
Preston, battle of, 34
Prixe Office and Ships, 31, 52, 54, 55,
58, 59. See also Poole, William,
prize officer
Providence island, 137, 164
Provisions, xxxii-xxxiv, 4, 7, 8, 9, 11-13,
21, 28, 82, 37, 40, 42-44, 49, 50, 57,
63, 65, 67-70, 93-95, 100, 101, 107,
124, 141, 142, 146, 166, 167, 168
Ranguigh, Katherine, viscoantess, 54,
85
Bawlinson MSS. cited, 127, 170-172
Reade, major John, 65, 121, 125
Reformados, the, 122, 127, 131-133
Riocard, Andrew, 107
Rider, capt. William, 107
Riva, Pedro Francesco de, 171
Rodundos, 148
RoBse, capt. Stephen, 125
Rosse, M., 126
Rowe, William, 10, 50
Raddiard, lieut. James, 126
Rudyard, qaart.-ma8ter gen., 62, 123
S., I., author of a Jotimal of Proceed-
ings in West Indies^ vii, xxiii, xxviii,
xxxi, 39, 88-100
Saba, island, 149
Sabada, capt., 20
Sackwell, capt. Edward, 125
Saint Christopher's, 13, 19, 30, 60, 64,
118, 130, 145, 149
Saint Domingo, 14, 18, 19, 24, 28, 41,
43, 44, 55, 112, 113, 127, 129, 134-186,
140, 148, 151, 170
Saint Helen's, 72, 145
Saint Hieronymo, 23, 153, 158
Saint lago, 62, 123, 138, 139, 140
Saint John de Porto Rico, 150
Saint John's island, 112
Saint Johnston's, Scotland, governor of,
46
Saint Lucia, 147
Saint Martha, town, 143
Salkeild, capt. Thomas, 120
Scilly, 93
Scobell, Henry, Clerk of the Council,
74,86
Scotland, 93, 171, 172
Scots, the, 2
Searle, col. Daniel, xi, 11, 109, 110
Sedgwick, major Robert, xxxii
Selby, the (ship), 145, 149, 152
Ships, 6, 7, 11, 18, 26, 34, 38, 42, 59,
64, 65, 70, 95, 102, 107. 146. 149-151,
167. Su aho Fleet and Navy
Skepworth, ensign Henry, 125
Slaves, 38
Smith, capt., 121
Smith, capt. Dan, 121
Smith, major Robert, 62, 65, 125
Smith, ensign Thomas, 125
Smith, capt. William, 62, 65, 125
Smithsby, capt. Qeorge, 121
Soldiers, 92, 100, 116, 117, 150, 157 ;
their wives, 102 ; impressed with fear,
2. 40-44, 65, 158-162
Souse Castle, 145
Spain, 3, 89, 92, 109, 112, 138, 156, 170
Spaniards, the, 3, 26, 27, 86, 45, 47, 89,
90. 91, 96, 97, 107, 112, 113, 130, 186,
187, 152,156,157, 168, 164, 166, 167;
treaty with, 164, 165
Spanish Commissioners, 39
Spanish proclamation, 170
Sprye, capt, 126
Statia, island, 149
Stephens, ensign Robert, 126
Stevens, capt. Richard, 121, 157
Stirrope, Mr., 46
Stockport, 78
Stokes Bay, 144
Stowe MSS., 107
Surinam, 117
Swiftsure, the (ship), 18, 31, 57, 145
Swinerton, lieut. Bialph, 125
Sydenham, col. William, 1, 73, 74
Tacobut, battle at, 15
Temple, Mr., 131
Tents, xxxvii
Thames, river, 72
Thomson, Maurice, 107
Thornhill, capt. Augustine, 121
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THE NARRATIVE OF GENERAL VENABLES
Thorahill, capt. Thomas, 121
* Three Qaeenp, Inn/ James St., London,
76
Throgmorton, oapt., afterwards major,
119
Thnrloe, John, Secretary, 3, 11, 46, 50,
54, 70, 73, 101-103, 109, 170 ; letters
to, 47, 71 ; MSS. of, 170
Thurloe's StaU Papers, cited, 6, 47, 48,
49, 63, 60, 62, 63, 66,67, 70, 72, 82, 86,
93, 104. 116, 117. 119, 120, 121, 141,
144
Todos Santos (All Saints) islands, 48
Tom, capt. Gregory, 117
Tom Tinker and Tom a Bedlam, 12
Toome, 2
Tortuga, island, 170
Tower, the, 34, 70, 76-77, 80, 81, 86, 87,
103
Tartogo, 9ee Tortuga, island
Ulstbb, 2, 87
Vaughan, John, chaplain, 125
Vavaster (Vavasour ?), capt., 121
Venables, gen. Robert, 1 et passim ; Nar-
ralive of his Expedition to Jamaica,
various versions of it, v; printed, 1-
105 ; his early career, viii, 2, 75, 87 ;
instructions to, ix, 78, 79, 103, 104,
107, 111 ; quarrel with Admiral Penn,
xiii-xvii ; character, xxxviii ; peti-
tions to the Protector, 71, 75, 76, 81,
85 ; documents from his papers, 123 ;
letters to the Protector, 7, 71 ; list of
the forces under him, 116
Venables, Elizabeth, wife of gen. Vena-
bles, xl, 102, 156, 168
Venetians, the, 15
Victuallers of the Navy, 7, 13
Vincent, William, 107
Virgin Mary, statues of, 129, 152
Virginia, 52
Waobson, Robert, treasurer, 139
Waller, sir Hardress, 120
Walters, adjt.-gen. Thomas, 117, 131,
155
War, see Council of War
Ward, lieut..col. Philip, 63, 65, 70, 126
Warner, sir Thomas, 130
Water bottles, xxxvii
Wells, major Richard, 118
Wentworth, John, letter from, 60, 61
West Indies, 3, 24, 26, 42, 60, 71, 72,
86, 88, 111, 112, 146, 168, 171;
English expedition into, 127, 144,
172, 173 ; woods in, 96, 97, 99
Westminster, 110
Whistler, Henry, vii, 67 n, 144, 148 ; his
Journal of the West India Expedition,
144
White, major Thomas, vii, 118, 123, 126
Whitehall, 77, 86
WUlett, capt. Edward, 117
Williams, William, 107
Wingbell, capt. William, 125
Winslow, Edward, a Commissioner, x,
xiii, xiv, 10-12, 17, 19, 20, 22. 25, 31,
82, 34, 52, 54, 55, 60, 78, 79, 109, 110,
136, 145, 150, 159, 161
Worsley, major-gen. Charles, 33, 34, 93
Yana (?), 124
Young, capt.,
Richard, 117
afterwards adjt.-gen.
SpoUUw^hide ^ Co. Printert, New-Hreet Square, London,
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